Jane Bolin at Yale

Jane BolinOn this day in 1908, Jane Bolin was born. She was a remarkable woman, remembered today primarily for being the first African-American woman to graduate from Yale Law School. Like President Obama, it is hard to call her black when she was half white and half black, in as much as those terms mean anything. But it always brings to my mind the pernicious history of eugenics. The idea is that “white” as a race is pure. So mixing it with any other race pollutes it. Thus: half black is black; quarter black is black; eighth black is black. It’s also just ridiculous scientifically. There is no such thing as the white race. We are all of us mongrels.

But given all our prejudices and focus on meaningless distinction, Bolin’s accomplishments are amazing. She was born and raised in Poughkeepsie, New York. Her father was a lawyer (and the first African-American to graduate from Williams College), and her English mother died when Bolin was just eight years old. So it isn’t surprising that she followed in her father’s footsteps. After high school, she went to Wellesley College, one of only two black students. She graduated in the top 20 of her class. This led to her (against advice) going to Yale Law School, where she graduated at the age of 23. She practiced for a while with her father before going to work with the New York City where she was eventually made a judge in the Family Court. She held that position for 40 years.

She lived almost 30 years after retirement, and spent that time working as an activist for children’s rights and education. She lived the kind of life that makes me feel I’ve totally let the species down. But it is wonderful that people like her didn’t.

Happy birthday Jane Bolin!

Would Republicans Support Voting Rights Act Now?

Racism - It's subtler nowI have to admit: I’m confused. This week, we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But it didn’t happen fifty years ago this week. Johnson signed it into law on 2 July 1964. But 46 years ago today, the Civil Rights Act of 1968 was signed, exactly a week after Martin Luther King Jr was assassinated. So it is, I suppose, a good week for remembrance, I’m just unclear about the timing.

During this week, I have heard a lot of chatter among liberals as to whether the law could be passed today. But I’ve found people surprisingly mute in their comments. No one wants to come right out and say what they know to be true. For their part, conservatives say of course they would pass it today. That’s the great thing about conservatives: they are always big supporters of long settled law. But when it comes to any new law that expands the rights of the weak (that is: anyone not already rich and powerful), they are against it.

So let me be clear. With all due respect to Jonathan Chait, the Republican Party’s electoral power is almost entirely dependent upon racism. If the Civil Rights Act of 1964 came up for a vote today, it would be filibustered by the Senate Republicans. And John Boehner would not give it a vote in the House. But I’ll go further. The modern Republican Party would find reasons for not supporting the Civil Rights Acts of 1866, 1871, 1875, 1957, and 1960. (At least Rand Paul will admit to being against the Civil Rights Act of 1875.)

The point here is not that modern Republicans are truly vile. It is that the conservative information system has caused Republican politics to become racist. This is because people who only ever talk to other conservatives eventually get around to thinking, “Hey, the real oppressed are straight white males!” So any policy that tries to address mistreatment of minority groups is unacceptable. For these conservatives, the issue is not about the minority groups but about the great hardship that is being placed on the white man. To them, doing nothing at all would be wrong; doing something for minorities is exactly the opposite of what we ought to be doing.

This is why the last few years have seen a big rise in the quasi-libertarian conservatives. These are people who pick and choose their libertarianism. They aren’t for marriage equality or drug legalization, but they are very much concerned about despotic governments that tax the rich. Thus, they have a plausible sounding argument to make against healthcare reform that has to do with not taxing the rich, even though the actual reason such ideology flies electorally is that it feeds the “oppressed white man and undeserving dark man” narrative.

So let’s not sit on our hands and pretend that Republicans of today would vote for what Republicans of the past did vote for. Racial resentment is the only tool the Republican Party has left. And they will continue to use it until we stop them.

Brendan Eich Is Not a Free Speech Victim

Brendan EichThe whole Brendan Eich affair is not very interesting to me. As you probably know, he recently became CEO of Mozilla Corporation. And almost right away, he resigned over his support of the anti-gay Proposition 8 in California in 2008. But after I saw that racist war mongering idiot Andrew Sullivan on The Colbert Report, I figured I should write something about it. So let me look at the two sides.

On the anti-Eich side, there were people who never wanted him to be CEO. His contribution to Prop 8 was known back 2012. So they wanted to get rid of him, and I understand that. I don’t especially agree. Being a bigot should not stop a person from having gainful employment. But these people are absolutely justified in acting as they did, because clearly they think more strongly about this issue than I do.

Andrew SullivanRegardless, it is wrong to say that these people forced Eich to resign. They simply applied political pressure on the company. And let’s not forget that a large part of Mozilla’s brand is that they aren’t Microsoft and they aren’t Google. They are the Good Guys. And having an anti-gay CEO harms that brand. I’m not completely clear, but I haven’t seen any comments from Eich to the effect of, “I was wrong and I no longer hold those beliefs.” I suspect that would have gone a long way.

On the pro-Eich side, it’s mostly just nonsense. Conservatives everywhere are claiming that Eich’s free speech rights have been violated. Most of the liberal bloggers I personally know write anonymously because they are afraid that their employers will find out. I am basically unemployable because of books I’ve written. This is not a free speech issue. We are all free to say pretty much whatever we want. And other people are free to not like it. Sadly, in America, you do not have a right to a job.

On Colbert, Sullivan gave his usual song-and-dance about how this was intolerance. He is under the mistaken impression that he is currently married to another man just because they have had the better of the argument and not because of any hardball political tactics. Given his business, he has no excuse for being so very ignorant of the centuries old gay rights struggle.

Conservatives like Sullivan want to make this out to be all about tolerance. But it isn’t. Tolerance of intolerance is just chaos. In Across the Pond, Terry Eagleton provides a proper definition of tolerance:

Tolerance does not mean respecting viewpoints simply because they are viewpoints. It means accepting that ideas which make you feel sick in your stomach should be granted as much of a hearing as those that send an erotic tingle down your spine, provided such views do not put others at risk, and provided you have done your damnedest to argue their advocates out of their fatuous or obnoxious opinions. Otherwise you are simply buying your tolerance on the cheap.

What I especially hate about this is that conservatives understand this in all cases where the boycott is conservative on liberal. In fact, conservatives are the true experts when it comes to boycotting. And when Christians boycott whatever it is they are boycotting this week, Fox News is there to say (properly) that they are just expressing their views in the market. But when companies boycott advertising on Rush Limbaugh or people boycott Firefox, well, then Limbaugh’s and Eich’s free speech is being deprived. It’s all so silly and transparent.

Update (11 April 2014 1:13 pm)

While I was writing this, Martin Longman wrote, The Principles Behind the Mozilla Controversy. He seems to agree with me completely. That’s especially true in his conclusion:

The main principles here aren’t with people’s right to disagree without being defined as a bigot or losing their job. The principles are the right of people to not do business with people they don’t like, and the right of two people in love to get married regardless of their genders. If you can figure out how to respect the first two of those principles without injuring the the second two, let me know.

None Dead at School Stabbing

Alex HribalYou’ve probably heard about Wednesday’s stabbing at the Franklin Regional High School in Murrysville, Pennsylvania. Alex Hribal, a tenth grader at the school, allegedly brought two large kitchen knives to school and started stabbing students as they prepared for class that morning. The whole thing took only five minutes, but in that time 20 students and one adult were stabbed, some of them very badly. Thankfully, no one died, but two students remain in critical, but stable, condition.

My colleague Carl at Simply Left Behind makes the important point, Imagine If He Had a Gun. I’m not especially interested in the reasons why a young man would do such a thing. From time to time, people are going to do bad things. We can try to help such people, and we certainly don’t do a good enough job of that. But there will always be people who fall through the cracks and it is best that when they do, we limit the harm they can do.

When it comes to international affairs, we as a society are obsessed with the idea that Iran might get a nuclear weapon. The idea is that we can’t allow an unstable actor to have such potentially catastrophic power. I don’t actually think that reasoning applies to Iran more than any other country (Iran is stable and rational), but the basic reasoning is valid. “Loose nukes” are very bad indeed. But in the United States, “loose guns”—the nuclear weapons of the streets—seem not to be a big issue.

If Hribal had had a gun, people would have died—probably many, including Hribal himself. We don’t know much about the case, so we can’t say for such why he chose to use knives. My guess is that a gun was not easily available to him. And that’s as it should be. It amazes me that in many homes, the Wii is locked up but kids can get at guns any time they want. But this goes against the idea that if someone tries hard enough they can get a gun. While that is undoubtedly true, kids especially tend to be more impulsive, and if guns aren’t around, they’ll use something else. (Sometimes with tragic consequences.)

I understand the gun rights advocates arguments, and I’m not totally opposed to them. But as in all of my politics, I’m a pragmatist. Serious people keep their guns locked up in safes, and they treat unloaded guns as if they were loaded, and they always keep their finger off the trigger until they are ready to shoot, and on and on. But most people aren’t serious when it comes to this stuff. They take no more care for their guns than they do for their kitchen knives. And that is a major problem that gun rights advocates should spend more time on. (Note: there are a lot of gun safety nuts who shout this stuff all the time. But the NRA isn’t spending most of its money lobbying for more gun safety courses.)

It would be a much better nation if it were a whole lot easier for unstable people to grab a couple of knives and hit the streets than to grab a gun and a box of ammo. And that is to take nothing away from the suffering of Wednesday’s stabbing victims. But you know the old saying, “Better in a hospital bed then dead.” I wish them all a speedy and full recovery.

The 1980 Libertarian Platform Today

Bernie SandersBernie Sanders (or more likely one of his staff members) decided to take a look at the platform of the Libertarian Party back in 1980. Why? Because David Koch ran that year as the vice-presidential candidate. And the platform is typically loony: we’ll only except everything! They want to get rid of Social Security and Medicare—those old people have it too good! They want to get rid of the EPA—we need more rivers on fire! They want to get rid of the Department of Transportation—we don’t need no stinking interstate highway system!

But some of the platform is kind of surprising. They are against compulsory health insurance, but apparently not auto insurance. And they make a point of saying that health insurance that covers abortion is double plus bad. They say that they are for the eventual repeal of all taxes, but right now they want an end to all income and corporate taxes. Get it? Taxes that hurt the rich must go now, but taxes that hurt the poor can wait. I’ve been long saying this, Libertarians Just Don’t Like the Poor. And that is only too clear if you look at the whole platform.

Nothing Can Be DoneMost surprising was this line, “We propose the abolition of the governmental Postal Service. The present system, in addition to being inefficient, encourages governmental surveillance of private correspondence.” I share their concern for government surveillance, but the Postal Service ain’t what we got to fear! However, notice what a radical suggestion this is. Libertarians normally talk about the Constitution as though it were a holy document. But here they don’t seem to understand that the postal service is in the Constitution and would require an amendment.

It continues, “Pending abolition, we call for an end to the monopoly system and for allowing free competition in all aspects of postal service.” This is delicious. Conservatives always look at the post office and see it’s one special privilege: its monopoly. But they never mention its responsibility: it is required to provide mail service to everyone. UPS and Federal Express want to take away the profitable parts of the USPS but not its unprofitable parts. What’s more, these conservatives never mention all the limitations put on the post office. If allowed, the USPS could put all those bottom-feeding payday lenders out of business.

What’s most distressing with the libertarian platform is the basis for my initial disenchantment with the movement. None of the good things that would actually increase personal liberty have moved ahead. But all the pro-corporate and pro-rich policies have made remarkable progress. As I always say: vote for libertarian rhetoric, get conservative policy. But the best example of a 1980 libertarian wet dream has made remarkable progress, “We urge the repeal of federal campaign finance laws, and the immediate abolition of the despotic Federal Election Commission.”

What’s interesting in this regard, is that the decimation of campaign finance reform has not been done with legislation. That might have upset the people. It was done by the courts. And if the conservative movement has been good at anything (and they have been good at many things), they have been good at getting people to accept “law and order” judges who were actually put in place because they were anti-individual and pro-corporate. Welcome to your new libertarian dystopia, America!

William Hazlitt Had Many Ideas

William HazlittHaving now done the birthday posts for over a year, I have the advantage of being able to go back and look at what I wrote last year. And the amazing thing is how much they evolved over time. By this point last year, they had just become something of a hodgepodge with my flitting from one person to another without rhyme or reason. That is rather typical of me in general, but not very interesting. And it is shocking just how little time I spend with the “winner” of the day. Of course, now I don’t necessarily have a lot to say, but it isn’t so scattered.

On this day in 1778, the writer William Hazlitt was born. He was one of the greatest essayists ever. Yet he isn’t well know, at least not compared to his friends like Coleridge and Wordsworth. But he is greatly loved by real intellectuals and also people like me who would like to be real intellectuals. I think there are a few reasons for this. One is that he is sharp witted. And not at all adverse to being mean, as you can see in the opening sentence of his essay, “On People With One Idea”:

There are people who have but one idea: at least, if they have more, they keep it a secret, for they never talk but of one subject.

But the essay itself isn’t cruel. He has rather nice things to say about such people. I think his interest is very much my own: I’m fascinated by people who have a singular focus. Now some of them are focused on things I too am interested in. And others are not. But I’m interested in these people as one is interested in a white raven or anything else idiosyncratic. (And yes, I am aware that many people look at me the same way. I just wish they would write an essay about it!)

Another thing about Hazlitt’s writing that impresses people (or at least me) is that it is remarkably dense but clear. Kant’s work is dense, but not at all clear. Orwell is clear—wonderfully so. But he would never write a thousand word paragraph. Here is the second paragraph of “On People With One Idea,” and it is the rule more than the exception in his work:

There is Major Cartwright: he has but one idea or subject of discourse, Parliamentary Reform. Now Parliamentary Reform is (as far as I know) a very good subject to talk about; but why should it be the only one? To hear the worthy and gallant Major resume his favorite topic, is like law-business, or a person who has a suit in Chancery going on. Nothing can be attended to, nothing can be talked of but that. Now it is getting on, now again it is standing still; at one time the Master has promised to pass judgment by a certain day, at another he has put it off again and called for more papers, and both are equally reasons for speaking of it. Like the piece of packthread in the barrister’s hands, he turns and twists it all ways, and cannot proceed a step without it. Some schoolboys cannot read but in their own book; and the man of one idea cannot converse out of his own subject. Conversation it is not; but a sort of recital of the preamble of a bill, or a collection of grave arguments for a man’s being of opinion with himself. It would be well if there was anything of character, of eccentricity in all this; but that is not the case. It is a political homily personified, a walking common-place we have to encounter and listen to. It is just as if a man was to insist on your hearing him go through the fifth chapter of the Book of Judges every time you meet, or like the story of the Cosmogony in the Vicar of Wakefield. It is a tine played on a barrel-organ. It is a common vehicle of discourse into which they get and are set down when they please, without any pain or trouble to themselves. Neither is it professional pedantry or trading quackery: it has no excuse. The man has no more to do with the question which he saddles on all his hearers than you have. This is what makes the matter hopeless. If a farmer talks to you about his pigs or his poultry, or a physician about his patients, or a lawyer about his briefs, or a merchant about stock, or an author about himself, you know how to account for this, it is a common infirmity, you have a laugh at his expense and there is no more to be said. But here is a man who goes out of his way to be absurd, and is troublesome by a romantic effort of generosity. You cannot say to him, “All this may be interesting to you, but I have no concern in it”: you cannot put him off in that way. He retorts the Latin adage upon you-Nihil humani a me alienum puto [“Nothing human is alien to me. -FM]. He has got possession of a subject which is of universal and paramount interest (not “a fee-grief, due to some single breast”), and on that plea may hold you by the button as long as he chooses. His delight is to harangue on what nowise regards himself: how then can you refuse to listen to what as little amuses you? Time and tide wait for no man. The business of the state admits of no delay. The question of Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments stands first on the order of the day—takes precedence in its own right of every other question. Any other topic, grave or gay, is looked upon in the light of impertinence, and sent to Coventry. Business is an interruption; pleasure a digression from it. It is the question before every company where the Major comes, which immediately resolves itself into a committee of the whole upon it, is carried on by means of a perpetual virtual adjournment, and it is presumed that no other is entertained while this is pending—a determination which gives its persevering advocate a fair prospect of expatiating on it to his dying day. As Cicero says of study, it follows him into the country, it stays with him at home: it sits with him at breakfast, and goes out with him to dinner. It is like a part of his dress, of the costume of his person, without which he would be at a loss what to do. If he meets you in the street, he accosts you with it as a form of salutation: if you see him at his own house, it is supposed you come upon that. If you happen to remark, “It is a fine day,” or “The town is full,” it is considered as a temporary compromise of the question; you are suspected of not going the whole length of the principle. As Sancho, when reprimanded for mentioning his homely favorite in the Duke’s kitchen, defended himself by saying, “There I thought of Dapple, and there I spoke of him,” so the true stickler for Reform neglects no opportunity of introducing the subject wherever he is. Place its veteran champion under the frozen north, and he will celebrate sweet smiling Reform; place him under the mid-day Afric suns, and he will talk of nothing but Reform—Reform so sweetly smiling and so sweetly promising for the last forty years—

That’s 870 words! And it includes a reference to Don Quixote![1] And it’s funny! I love the line, “Now it is getting on, now again it is standing still; at one time the Master has promised to pass judgment by a certain day, at another he has put it off again and called for more papers, and both are equally reasons for speaking of it.” I think that Hazlitt suspected, as I do, that Major Cartwright is happier than the rest of us with our many ideas. But whatever pain those many ideas caused him, Hazlitt wrote about them wonderfully for all of our edification.

Happy birthday William Hazlitt!


[1] This is from Chapter 31 of the second book. It took me a while to find the exact translation he used. It is from Tobias Smollett’s 1755 translation. John Ormsby later translated it, “I thought of Dapple here, and I spoke of him here.” Samuel Putnam translated it, “I happened to think of my gray, and so I spoke of him.” Edith Grossman translated it, “Here I remembered about my donkey, and here I talked about him.” The actual Spanish is, “Aqui se me acordo del rucio, y aqui hable del.” Take your pick, although I think Grossman is a bit too literal. Putnam strikes me as a more modern translation, even though his is 50 years older than Grossman’s.

Healthcare Cost Control and GOP Hysteria

RationingPaul Waldman at The American Prospect wrote a short article one of the reasons we have, The Most Expensive Health Care in the World. In it, he discusses charges to Medicare. He contrasts two drugs that are almost identical in the treatment of macular degeneration. One is Lucentis and the other is Avastin. But while Lucentis costs $2,000 per dose, Avastin only costs $50. So doctors prescribe the more expensive drug.

And why do they do this? Because it is to their advantage. Medicare pays doctors 6% of the cost of the drug for prescribing it. So they get $3 for prescribing Avastin and $120 for prescribing Lucentis. That’s not a hard decision for the doctor even though it is terrible for public policy. Waldman noted that the obvious fix to this situation is to give doctors a flat fee for writing prescriptions. If they got $10 whether they prescribed Lucentis or Avastin, there would be far less Lucentis prescribed.

But there is a problem. Waldman put it correctly, “Of course, the pharmaceutical lobby would pull out all the stops trying to keep that six percent fee in place.” This is a big part of the problem with allowing such an unequal society. I don’t think anyone really thinks that Congress is going to allow any policy changes that might hurt the pharmaceutical industry. Avik RoyAs it is, Medicare Part D wasn’t about providing drugs to the elderly. It was about providing profits to the pharmaceutical industry.

The whole thing comes down to price control. I’m reminded of a remarkable conversation that Ezra Klein had with Avik Roy last year. Roy goes on and on about the Switzerland system and the Singapore system. This is strange since he hates Obamacare, which is quite similar to them. But Klein hit back on this and got to the core of what matters in healthcare reform:

But in these systems, right, because when you talk about the one-seventh, Singapore is very cheap. Great Britain is very cheap compared to us. Canada is cheap. Sweden’s cheap. France is cheap. Everybody’s cheap. And what all of them do, the thing that they all do, is not health savings accounts, right? That is not the common denominator. The thing every single one of those systems do is the government is a primary negotiator. The government says how much can a drug company charge. The government says how much will a doctor’s visit cost. The government says how much a hip replacement will cost. And the per-unit price of health care in those countries is way, way, way down.

Roy agrees with this, but he shouts “Rationing!” whenever the issue comes up. So even though Roy is willing to admit in theory that we must do something to contain costs, he is never willing to support such measures in practice. And this is true of the conservative movement itself—most especially the GOP. Ideologically, they are committed to the idea that the free market is perfect and if only we ignore it all will be well. Of course, the actual evidence shows anything but.

The problem with the conservative approach is that it leads to the usual libertarian “utopia” where everyone is completely free to do anything they want if they can afford it. But in this world, the group that can afford it includes almost no one. Of course, even for the extremely rich, this situation is bad. A robust middle class is the engine of innovation. And if the rich want to have the next decade’s great innovations, they would want more equality. But I guess the idea of relative wealth is just too compelling for the rich and their apologists.

The healthcare situation all comes down to us finding a way to contain costs. We already ration healthcare in this country, we just do it by wealth. We are looking for a way to do it more fairly. No one is suggesting that the rich shouldn’t be able to buy the best care available. But we are saying that a base level of care should be available to all. The current system doesn’t work for the rich or the poor. It is just a system designed to unfairly enrich a certain part of the economy: doctors and pharmaceutical companies. And they would be doing fine regardless.

Marginal Worker Value

Capital in the Twenty-First CenturyIn Paul Krugman’s rave review of Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, he brings up one issue where the the book is weak. Inequality in America is still more about wages than capital. Now, this is changing and within a couple of generations, we will be as ossified an oligarchy as anywhere—probably more. But right now, conservatives can plausibly argue that income inequality in America is all about really brilliant people getting rich because they add so much to our economy.

This is the so-called superstar theory of income inequality. Both Piketty and Krugman dismiss it, noting that entertainers and such are a very small part of the super rich. But I don’t think that flies because conservatives would just claim that CEOs and hedge fund managers are also superstars. And in their cases (as Krugman noted), it is much harder to say what their true value is. So let’s take a look at movie stars and assume whatever we say about them is at least as true of corporate CEOs.

Johnny Depp is one of the biggest stars in the world. If he is in a movie, it will open. It might still suck and make no money, but Depp’s star power means that it will at least get a viewing—a chance at the box office, even if the studio is trying to kill it for other reasons. That is worth a great deal to producers. But the question I keep coming back to is this: what is its marginal value?

Johnny DeppIf Johnny Depp had never been born, or had gone into plumbing instead, would the movie business be fundamentally different? Would fewer films get made? Would profits be lower? I think the answer to all of these questions is, “No.” I think that Depp is a very talented and charismatic actor. But there are lots of talented and charismatic actors who are barely getting by—who might be doing a whole let better if they were as well connected as he is. So the question is not, “How valuable is Johnny Depp?” It is, “How much more valuable is Johnny Depp than the actor who would replace him?”

Unfortunately, it is impossible to have a direct comparison. We can’t run the universe over again without Johnny Depp and see how things turn out. But we do know that what makes a star is ineffable. We only need to look at Danny DeVito or Sylvester Stallone or Arnold Schwarzenegger. So why would we think that Johnny Depp is worth a thousand times more than his character actor co-stars? I don’t think that we can. The same thing is easily as true of CEOs.

We have another problem: we allow our economy to be driven by technology. Johnny Depp is as rich as he is because of the invention of motion pictures and television. Had he lived two hundred years ago, he would have had to work harder for less because he would have been on the stage. Film technology is no longer patented. Its existence is in the public domain. But we forget that and allow its existence to distort the market. Conservatives are always on about how perfect the market is, but how can that be when the value of a product (for example, a performance) can be so different based upon the medium?

If we are going to allow such winner-take-all markets, we need to do something to level the playing field. It has long been the case that we have far too many people going into theater and music. But winner-take-all markets are increasingly the norm in all fields. And that just isn’t the way forward. It would bring about a stagnant economy with little innovation. What would be the point of innovation? Most people would be struggling just to get by and the rest wouldn’t have to do anything to get by.

Eventually, this all leads to the oligarchy that Piketty predicts. And at the moment, I don’t see any way out of it. The free market doctrine is too easy to understand and compelling in its simplicity. Talking about the marginal value of a worker is complex. What’s more, humans are very hopeful creatures. Everyone seems to think that good times are just over the horizon. We are all just one deal away, one job away, one interview away. We have all drunk the Horatio Alger Kool-Aid and we have a positive attitude about the world and the future. And it will be our downfall.

Afterword

I have nothing against Johnny Depp. I picked him to talk about precisely because I like him.

If anyone knows anything about the economics I’ve touched on here, please let me know because I’m flailing, trying to understand it.

101 Year Old Message in a Bottle

101 Year Old Message in a BottleRecently, a German fisherman,Konrad Fischer, discovered a message in a bottle off the coast of Kiel in the Baltic Sea. He took it to the Internationales Maritimes Museum in Hamburg and scientists there set about tracking down its owner. And shockingly, they succeeded.

The message was on a post card that had been badly decayed because of the ravages of time and moisture. The Museum intends to do more work to decipher the entire message. But they did determine the address and that it was a request that once found the bottle be returned to the sender. With some research, they found that it had to have been sent by the then 20-year-old Richard Platz.

Apparently, Platz was on a nature hike with a group in 1913 when he threw the bottle into the sea. And the bottle seems to have bobbed around for a century without anyone noticing it. The world really is a big place. It likely never made it out of the Baltic Sea. So you can imagine the number of bottles floating around the oceans proper.

Platz is long dead, of course; he would be 121 today. In fact, he didn’t live that long—dying at 54, shortly after the end of World War II. But the museum folk found his granddaughter, Angela Erdmann, who visited the museum and provided a little background about Platz.

We know three things about him, all good. First, he was the kind of nerd who put messages in bottles and threw them into the sea. Second, he liked to read. And third, he was a Social Democrat.

In this depressing world, the story of the consummation of a century old creative act is cheering.

Two Songs From Tom Lehrer

Tom LehrerLast year’s birthday post was, In Which the Birthdays Suck. That was unkind. There were a number of interesting people: Carl Perkins, Jim Fowler, and Steve Gadd. But I rightly noted that Hugh Hefner was a very creepy guy. I implied it about Nathaniel Branden. And I noted that Joe Scarborough was an idiot. But I totally missed a truly great man.

Tom Lehrer is 86 years old today. He is probably the most famous mathematician in the world. Strangely, he never managed to complete his PhD work, most likely because he was to distracted by his other passion: music. And not just any music. He’s quite an accomplished light opera pianist, singer, and most of all, songwriter. But we really only know of him because of recordings. He hasn’t done anything in music for over four decades. In his entire career, he performed publicly only 109 times and wrote only 37 songs. But what performances and songs they were!

Here are two of his songs: “National Brotherhood Week” and “When You Are Old And Gray.” Enjoy:

Happy birthday Tom Lehrer!

Let’s Be Kind to the Poor and Weak

Mental Illness Is Not ContagiousI know that we Americans love stories about people who do stupid things. It apparently makes us feel better about ourselves. It’s sad though. The popularity of shows like Cops do indicate that America is filled with a lot of stupid people, but they are mostly sitting in front of the TV. So it is with this context that I present to you the easily mocked Evelyn Hamilton, “A Texas woman who complained to police that a drug dealer sold her a bad batch of marijuana.”

I guess in a winner-take-all society like our own, the prols have to feel good about something and so they are left with, “At least I know not to get the police involved in my drug deals!” But this gets to the very heart of what is wrong with the underground economy. Undocumented workers can’t complain about employer mistreatment. Prostitutes can’t complain about being brutalized by pimps and johns. And drug users can’t complain about being ripped off by dealers.

Having policies that create these underground economies takes the weakest members of our society and steals even more power away from them. Look at Hamilton. The very next day, the police arrested her again for public intoxication. She was allegedly in the street shouting. Given that she doesn’t seem to know that cannabis purchase is illegal and she shouts at no one in particular in the streets, I think we can conclude that this woman has some problems. My guess: minor schizophrenia.

But do we help her? No. We’ve already closed down most mental health facilities because giving billion dollar tax cuts to oil companies is more important than taking care of our poor and sick. So we just throw her in jail when she has a bad day. And then we mock her in the press, because our callous disregard isn’t fulfilling enough.

If you want to know why the United States keeps more people in cages than any other country in the history of the world, this story tells most of what you need to know. First, we vigorously criminalize all kinds of behavior that is voluntary. In the case of undocumented work, it’s particularly bad because we actively promote it at the same time that we actively prosecute it. It’s the absolute best possible system for the elites. But drug users and prostitutes are arguably abused even more. The second part of our prison problem is that we do very little to help people. Even apart from drug users (who I think we abuse as much with medicalization as we do with criminal justice), our prisons are overflowing with people who are simply the troublesome mentally ill.

I don’t see this changing anytime soon. It’s not an issue that affects the power elite so in a political sense, it isn’t even an issue. But the least that we, the non-power non-elites, could do is take pity on the likes of Evelyn Hamilton. Quite literally, because of the vagaries of genetics and environment, any of us could have been her.


H/T: FARK (who I love but who are also one of the worst offenders)

Bad Samaritans

Bad SamaritansI just read Ha-Joon Chang’s excellent Bad Samaritans for the second time. It is an attack on neo-liberal policies that claim that the best thing developing economies can do is open themselves up to globalization and all will be well. As Chang shows, this results in undeveloped countries remaining undeveloped. He points out countless examples, but one will suffice. Japan protected their auto industry for decades while it struggled. Today, of course, cars are the first thing that Americans think of with respect to Japan. But had Japan simply embraced free trade, Toyota would today be at best a subsidiary of GM. And more likely, it would just be a long bankrupt company.

But the book is at its best when it is talking about American history, where it notes we were “the most protectionist country in the world throughout the 19th century and right up to the 1920s.” The Antebellum era is particularly telling. In addition to the issue of slavery, there was another big divide between north and south: protectionism. The north was trying to industrialize and get its manufacturing economy to fulfill its potential. So it was in favor of high tariffs, especially against England. The south, however, wanted to keep tariffs low so that they could cheaply sell their cotton to England. As Chang writes, “Many Americans call Abraham Lincoln, the 16th president (1861-5), the Great Emancipator—of the American slaves. But he might equally be labelled the Great Protector—of American manufacturing.”

It’s curious, because in as much as there is any difference of opinion about globalization between the two parties, it is now the Republicans who are the free trade warriors. Of course, the situation has changed. Then America was developing technologically. Now, we are an advanced country and we should have relatively free trade. Our domestic employment problems are due to income inequality and the over-valued dollar, not free trade. Of course, what is now presented as free trade are mostly just agreements to push our excessive patent and copyright systems onto other countries.

This gets to the core of the book, which is about how powerful countries harm weaker countries. They do this by forcing them to make neo-liberal changes to their economies. These changes are supposed to spur growth, but they don’t. Chang notes:

The poor growth record of neo-liberal globalization since the 1980s is particularly embarrassing. Accelerating growth—if necessary at the cost of increasing inequality and possibly some increase in poverty—was the proclaimed goal of neo-liberal reform. We have been repeatedly told that we first have to “create more wealth” before we can distribute it more widely and that neo-liberalism was the way to do that. As a result of neo-liberal policies, income inequality has increased in most countries as predicted, but growth has actually slowed down significantly.

Chang focuses on how historically countries that got ahead economically would “kick away the ladder” so that other countries couldn’t follow in their footsteps. And that is what neo-liberal policy is in the modern world. But this is much like the racist underpinnings of conservative policy. It could be that the advanced countries are really doing this to keep the weaker countries down or it could be just that they really think these are the right policies. As with the racist charge, it doesn’t really matter to me. The policy is bad and should thus be changed.