The Failure of Respectability Politics

Ta-Nehisi CoatesAs we all brace for what is now and has always been the near certainty that there will be no indictment in Michael Brown’s death, it is a good time to consider black “irresponsibility” as a cause of their status as an underclass. This is the idea that whites have reasons for their racist behavior because of the “bad” blacks that are out there. The argument usually goes like this, “Sure, there is racism in America. And 95% of blacks are good, hard-working people. But there is 5% of the black community who ruin it for everyone!” It is a bizarre argument that admits white racism but then immediately minimizes it and blames blacks for all their problems.

Sadly, we hear this all the time from successful African Americans like Bill Cosby and President Obama. Most recently, we’ve heard this from Charles Barkley. That’s right: the basketball player, who really ought to be aware of his own luck. But of course, he isn’t. I’ve known for decades that he was a Republican. I guess being self-deluded goes along with being one — even if he has backed away from the party in the last few years. But this comment is very Republican, “We as black people are never going to be successful, not because of you white people, but because of other black people. When you are black, you have to deal with so much crap in your life from other black people… There are a lot of black people who are unintelligent, who don’t have success. It’s best to knock a successful black person down because they’re intelligent, they speak well, they do well in school, and they’re successful. It’s just typical BS that goes on when you’re black, man.”

Charles BarkleyTa-Nehisi Coates took on this issue late last month, Charles Barkley and the Plague of “Unintelligent” Blacks. He looks at the history of this, which he calls “respectability politics” — “the inability to look into the cold dark void of history.” And what I didn’t know is that this dates back to the postbellum era. And in fact, in a certain sense, it goes back to slavery, when many whites justified the practice on the basis of the supposed savagery of African Americans. But it was only in the postbellum era when blacks themselves made this argument.

Coates quotes the African American mathematician Kelly Miller in 1899 saying, “It is not sufficient to say that ninety-five out of every hundred Negroes are orderly and well behaved. The ninety-five must band themselves together to restrain or suppress the vicious five.” Get it?! Blacks weren’t being denied rights and opportunities because whites were oppressing them; blacks were being treated like this because they weren’t distinguishing the “good” negro from the “bad.”

So all this stuff about gangsta rape and low hanging pants is just the most recent manifestation of this. Barkley said, “For some reason we are brainwashed to think, if you’re not a thug or an idiot, you’re not black enough.” But a century ago, Mary Church Terrell said, “According to the testimony of eye-witnesses, as well as the reports of southern newspapers [!], the Negroes who are known to have been guilty of assault have, as a rule, been ignorant, repulsive in appearance, and as near the brute creation as it is possible for a human being to be.” Nothing changes, and remember: this is what African Americans were saying about themselves.

Now, in a way, I totally understand this and salute it. These are people who are looking for answers in something they think they control. So I understand someone like Charles Barkley looking at people who are considered part of his “race” and thinking, “If only black kids acted more like upper middle class white kids, everything would be great!” There are two problems with this. First, the way that people in an underclass behave (eg, dress) is primarily a function of them being an underclass, not the cause of it. And by focusing on it, people like Barkley just give the power elite reasons to do nothing to change the racist structure of our society.

The second problem is that this assumes a racist precept: that black people ought to be judged by other black people. If I were judged based upon the actions of other white people — especially white men — I would never leave the house. I could make an outstanding argument for sterilizing all white men. But I’m not judged based upon what other white men do. This is the very core of white privilege in this country. And the lack of appreciation for this is the basis of systemic racism here.

I’m with Coates, “For if black people are — as I maintain — no part of the problem, if the problem truly is 100 percent explained by white supremacy, then we are presented with a set of unfortunate facts about our home.” It is as simple as this: you can’t fight racism by rebranding racial groups. Racism is reverse engineered: first comes and hatred and fear, then comes the rationalizations. So we have to deal with the racism, and not perfecting the “race.”

Bill Watterson Is Back!

Bill WattersonIf you’ve heard that Bill Watterson has started a new comic strip, you have been misinformed. Bill Watterson has, instead, created a single multi-panel comic strip to promote the Angoulême International Comics Festival, which is happening in France at the end of January. But that doesn’t mean it isn’t very exciting.

The story of the 15-panel strip is pretty standard Mack Sennett material. What is most notable about it is what has always been notable about Watterson’s work: the extremes of the action and the subtlety of the characterizations. The main character goes from hope to shock to blind rage — and that is just in the first five panels. And it goes on from there, peaking in the penultimate panel with the character stark raving mad.

Bill Watterson 2014 15 panel

Of course, this isn’t the first thing that Watterson has done. Eight months ago, he did the poster for the documentary Stripped about the transition of comic strips from newspapers to the internet. Watterson gives one of his rare interviews in the film. It looks rather good:

As for the poster, well, it’s good, but more like Berke Breathed than something distinctly Watterson:

Stripped - Bill Watterson

I assume we will continue to see things trickle in from Watterson. He clearly loves doing it. And I certainly can’t blame him for not wanting to grind out a daily strip. Regardless, we will all take whatever we can get.

China Makes Cons Mint New Denial Excuse

China National EmblemEarlier this year, Marco Rubio said, “What I disagree with is the notion if we pass cap and trade, for example, this will stop this from happening, when in fact half of the new emissions on the planet are coming from developing countries and half of that is coming from one country, China, that isn’t going to follow whatever laws we pass.” Around the same time, Charles Krauthammer said pretty much the same thing, “In the absence of [an emissions pact], all that we’re doing is committing economic suicide in the name of do-goodism that will not do an iota of good.” So these guys must be thrilled to read The New York Times last night, US and China Reach Climate Accord After Months of Talks.

But of course, they’re not. Jonathan Chait presented the early responses this morning, China Tries to Save Earth; Republicans Furious. James Inhofe claims it is not credible — even though he would be against it even if he thought it was credible. I mean, as James Inhofe will tell you for $25.95, global warming is a hoax. Mitch McConnell thinks the deal is meaningless, “As I read the agreement, it requires the Chinese to do nothing at all for 16 years.” That’s would be an excellent point if it weren’t totally untrue.

Mitch McConnellAccording to The Times, the deal requires that China “stop its emissions from growing by 2030.” It also requires that green energy “would account for 20 percent of China’s total energy production” by that year. That obviously does not mean that China doesn’t have to do anything for the next 16 years. McConnell is just being calculatedly stupid. But again, McConnell would be against this deal regardless, because his oil company backers are against it.

This all brings me back to my days in graduate school. We talked a lot about China and other developing countries and how it was wrong to expect them to simply stop their greenhouse emissions. There were a number of aspects of this. One was that we had used excessive emissions to build our country and power our industrial revolution. We are richer now and thus more able to switch to green technologies. The obvious solution to this is for the developed economies to pay for the developing countries to get green technologies. This, of course, is totally opposed by conservatives. But more important, China then and now doesn’t emit nearly as much carbon as we do per capita. The US emits about as much carbon as China does, but China has 4.3 times as many people. The fact that one fat America eats as much as ten starving Chinese does not mean that the Chinese need to go on a diet.

None of this matters to conservatives, of course. Any idea that implies that the United States is a country like almost 200 others makes them see red. And the idea that we would do anything that would help everyone — even when it includes ourselves — is anathema to them. The whole “What about China!” argument is part of the Global Warming Denial Stages. The point is conservatives refuse to do anything about global warming — not because they don’t believe it but because it involves collective action that doesn’t involve killing people. So literally everything they say on the issue is just a justification for doing nothing.

The first step of global warming denial is, “There is no global warming!” The final step is, “Humans are causing global warming, but there is nothing we can do about it!” What’s remarkable is just how many sub-steps there are in that last one. And you will notice conservatives commonly switch between steps. One will make a “Can’t do anything” argument, but then retreat into a “scientists disagree and I’m no scientist” as soon as actual policies that could fight global warming are proposed.

I was taking a political science course during the Iran-Contra hearings. I remember a student asking, “After Watergate and this, why don’t people stop trusting the Republicans.” My teacher — an old school Democrat — said, “People just see these things are being representative of individuals and not the party.” And that’s what will continue to happen here. Regardless of how badly this all goes, conservatives in the future will just say, “Of course the party was wrong about global warming!” And they’ll say that as they continue to fight every new threat we face. And the people will vote for them, because hell, it isn’t the ideology — it’s just those old conservatives! Anyway, by then, they will probably have managed to change the voting requirements to being over 65 years old and at least seven-eighths Caucasian.

ALEC and the Psychopathy of Corporations

ALEC

According to Dustin Volz over at National Journal, AOL Becomes Latest Tech Giant to Flee From ALEC. AOL has not said why it is leaving the American Legislative Exchange Council, but it is part of a trend. “In the space of two weeks in September, Google, Yahoo, and Yelp announced they had already left or were in the process of leaving ALEC, an exodus that began when Google Chairman Eric Schmidt charged that the group was ‘just literally lying’ about climate change.” So good for those high tech films — always forward thinking! Or not.

For example, Occidental Petroleum is leaving the group. A lot of companies have left ALEC and a lot of them will continue to do it. That’s because ALEC is toxic. It has long been known just what a vile group ALEC is, but it got a lot of press after George Zimmerman murdered Trayvon Martin. It turned out that ALEC had been pushing open carry and stand-your-ground laws. What the hell did that have to do with business interests? Well, nothing. And as soon as it became a political problem, the group stopped that. It’s two and a half years later and Google only just figured this out?

What’s really going on is that corporations are like psychopaths. ALEC pushed policies like “starve the poor and cut my taxes,” so Google and AOL didn’t care if the group was also calling for the genocide of all Americans less than seven-eighth Caucasian. Facebook is “not likely” to renew its membership — showing once again that it is a follower of followers. But these companies should get no credit for leaving this vile group years after its villainy was clear. (That’s years before Zimmerman started swaggering around Sanford, Florida.)

But the truth is that there is no reason for Google and company to not jettison support for ALEC. The group has done its job. America has been harmed. The economic playing field has tilted toward rich companies and away from start-ups. Many people all over the nation have gotten away with murder. And most of all: the companies themselves have been enriched. Now ALEC is a political liability. Google doesn’t need it. I’m sure they can find another group (They probably already have!) to do the same things, but with a less embarrassing name.

This sums up the current situation:

ALEC has witnessed a torrent of high-profile departures in the past. In 2012, a collection of major corporations, including Blue Cross Blue Shield, Coca-Cola, PepsiCo, and Kraft left the organization following public outcry over the group’s then-sponsorship of controversial “Stand Your Ground” laws, which came under heavy scrutiny during the Trayvon Martin case.

Why does anyone support any of these companies? Why did these companies — Especially a healthcare company! — support ALEC? It is disgraceful, but fully expected. These companies hate us. If they could put the human race in The Matrix style pods and siphon off our energy, they would. I was being extremely accurate above when I described these companies as psychopaths. It is enshrined corporate law that they must act with the single focus of making money. And it has poisoned our entire society.

Have you always wanted to live inside a William Gibson novel? Good news: you already are! Except, of course, the cool parts.


H/T: Tom Sullivan

Roland Barthes and Hidden Myth

Roland BarthesOn this day in 1915, the great philosopher Roland Barthes was born. The truth is that I don’t know his work that well. I know one thing, Mythologies. It was an extremely powerful book to me when I was a young man. The broad idea is that things in our culture have meanings that go far beyond their concrete significance. No one would question that the Eucharist has symbolic content that far exceeds the simple act of eating a wafer. But that such symbolic content would be every bit as powerful in the purchase of laundry detergent was a revelation to by 17-year-old mind.

In the years since first reading Mythologies, it has come to dominate the way I look at sociology. At one time, we lived inside a mythical framework where gods created thunder and other things that we have since developed more general naturalistic theories to explain. But we still live inside a mythical framework. I often wonder about my own blindness, and I have a few ideas of where some of the more obvious elements of this exist. But there are many things I see in society as a whole that are entirely and nakedly mythical. Yet most people are wedded to them and react violently when they are pointed out.

The most obvious of these is the treatment of drug users. I must admit to having evolved so far on this issue that I don’t even understand many people. It is still quite common for people to think that there really is something dangerous about cannabis, even while they have no problem with alcohol. What is clear — and has been for hundreds of years — is that this is pure ethnocentrism. I’ve noted before how supposedly reasonable David Frum continues to be against cannabis legalization until he has some ultimate scientific proof that it doesn’t lead to other drugs. It is curious how he uses the language of science and argument to justify what is nothing more than cultural elitism.

Of course, this issue is slowly dying as more and more people have direct experience with cannabis. At the same time, this experience does not make the cannabis user any more open minded to other categories of drugs. We continue to see a shift from an alcohol-nicotine society to an alcohol-cannabis society. The other “harder” drugs are still seen as unacceptable. But they are unacceptable not because of their pharmacology but because of their cultural significance. “Crack” and heroin are unacceptable because of their associations with underclasses. And the move from “addiction” being a criminal justice problem to being a healthcare problem is meaningless, because they are both concerned with controlling “foreign” behavior.

A far biggest mythology that I think society is just on the edge of considering — and I am only beginning to understand — is our belief in meritocracy and the idea that one human deserves to live better than another. I understand that there may be practical limitations on how a society approaches this. But it is simply immoral that some people have more money than they could ever spend while children starve to death. Yet we have created elaborate systems of myth, which are increasingly implausible, to avoid seeing this. (See Scale, Profits, and Inequality for an economic overview of the problem.)

All of this comes directly from what I learned from Barthes. It doesn’t provide a way to find the truth. I’m afraid Plato was right on that issue — we will always be blinded by our delusions. But it does provide a way to cut through our most obvious myths. The key is to recognize that we have such a strong tendency to create such myths. And culturally, we doubtless need them. But they are often pernicious. And with greater advertising sophistication, it is easier and easier for the powerful to use our myths against us. So I will always be grateful to Barthes for showing me this.

In addition to everything else, Mythologies is great fun. Here it a bit from one of the essays in the book, The World of Wrestling:

What is thus displayed for the public is the great spectacle of Suffering, Defeat, and Justice. Wrestling presents man’s suffering with all the amplification of tragic masks. The wrestler who suffers in a hold which is reputedly cruel (an arm- lock, a twisted leg) offers an excessive portrayal of Suffering; like a primitive Pieta, he exhibits for all to see his face, exaggeratedly contorted by an intolerable affliction. It is obvious, of course, that in wrestling reserve would be out of place, since it is opposed to the voluntary ostentation of the spectacle, to this Exhibition of Suffering which is the very aim of the fight. This is why all the actions which produce suffering are particularly spectacular, like the gesture of a conjurer who holds out his cards clearly to the public. Suffering which appeared without intelligible cause would not be understood; a concealed action that was actually cruel would transgress the unwritten rules of wrestling and would have no more sociological efficacy than a mad or parasitic gesture. On the contrary suffering appears as inflicted with emphasis and conviction, for everyone must not only see that the man suffers, but also and above all understand why he suffers. What wrestlers call a hold, that is, any figure which allows one to immobilize the adversary indefinitely and to have him at one’s mercy, has precisely the function of preparing in a conventional, therefore intelligible, fashion the spectacle of suffering, of methodically establishing the conditions of suffering. The inertia of the vanquished allows the (temporary) victor to settle in his cruelty and to convey to the public this terrifying slowness of the torturer who is certain about the outcome of his actions; to grind the face of one’s powerless adversary or to scrape his spine with one’s fist with a deep and regular movement, or at least to produce the superficial appearance of such gestures: wrestling is the only sport which gives such an externalized image of torture. But here again, only the image is involved in the game, and the spectator does not wish for the actual suffering of the contestant; he only enjoys the perfection of an iconography. It is not true that wrestling is a sadistic spectacle: it is only an intelligible spectacle.

Happy birthday Roland Barthes!

Liberal Faith in US Military Power

Corey RobinIt’s the fourth anniversary of September 11, and Americans are getting restless about the war in Iraq. Republicans are challenging the President, activists and bloggers are pressing the Democrats and liberal hawks are reconsidering their support for the war. Everyone, it seems, is asking questions.

Two questions, however, have not been asked, perhaps because they might actually help us move beyond where we are and where we’ve been. First, how is it that few liberals and no leftists in 1968 believed that Lyndon Johnson, arguably the most progressive President in American history, would or could airlift democracy to Vietnam, while many liberals and not a few leftists in 2003 believed that the most reactionary President since William McKinley could and would export democracy to Iraq?

Second, why did certain liberals who opposed the war in Iraq refuse to march against it? The reason they gave was that left-wing groups like ANSWER, which helped organize the antiwar rallies, failed to denounce Saddam’s regime. Yet many of those who could not abide an alliance with ANSWER endorsed the war in Afghanistan — even though it was waged by a government that recently invaded three Caribbean countries, funded dirty wars in Latin America and backed the government of Guatemala, the only regime in the Western Hemisphere condemned by a UN-sponsored truth commission for committing acts of genocide. Politics, of course, often entails an unhappy choice of associations. But if the deeds of the US government need not stop liberals from supporting the war in Afghanistan, why should the words — words, mind you, not deeds — of leftists deprive the antiwar movement of these very same liberals’ support?

Both questions register a fundamental shift among liberals, and on the left, since the 1960s: from skepticism of to faith in US power, and from faith in to skepticism of popular movements. During the Vietnam era, liberals and leftists believed not only in social justice but also in mass protest. Whether the cause was democracy at home or liberation abroad, men and women afflicted by oppression had to organize themselves for freedom. Yes, some of yesterday’s activists were blind to coercion within these movements, and others joined elite cadres bombing their way to liberation. Still, the animating faith of the 1960s was in the democratic capacities of ordinary men and women, making it difficult for liberals and leftists to believe in conquering armies from abroad or shock troops from on high.

—Corey Robin
The Fear of the Liberals

We Are All Whores, but Vox Uses Entire Screen!

Vox Home Page is All BP Ad

A big problem with Vox has always been that it is one of the ugliest websites ever. I don’t know whose idea it was to go with yellow and white. And then there is the big image layout that screams to the reader, “Space is cheap; graphic designers are expensive!” But to top off everything else, Vox apparently thinks that its content is so valuable that the vast majority of its front page should be dedicated to an advertisement.

Doubtless Ezra Klein and company are correct. And there is something to be said for one really big ad on the front page rather than than literally dozens of ads using a megabyte of bandwidth on every page of Washington Monthly. Although we will have to wait and see. I’m sure advertisement clutter will be a growing phenomenon on Vox. Still, the “British Petroleum Owns This Site” opening is a bit much.

You see, it is set up to look like Vox itself — except, of course, BP has enough money to afford graphic designers and so the ad doesn’t look as awful as the rest of Vox — they were constrained by having once decided on a nice corporate color. It provides the typical Vox four-column layout. And each explains great things that BP is doing for Alaska, Louisiana, Texas, and the whole United States of America. I feel all warm inside knowing that BP — formerly British Petroleum, formerly Iraq Petroleum Company, formerly Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, formerly the British Empire™, nowa multinational corporation — is out there looking after the interests of ordinary Americans like myself.

It’s sad though. Vox is part of Vox Media, the brainchild of liberal icons Jerome Armstrong and Markos Moulitsas. It doesn’t matter who you are, it seems, we all shill for our corporate overlords. You want to read about how foreign corporations are subverting American Democracy? Sure thing! But first, let’s take up your entire screen to explain to you that BP is just looking out for the land of the free and the home of the brave! Oil spill?! You say there was an oil spill?!

BP Oil Spill Ad

That’s the kind of ad I’d like to see on Vox. But I guess when it comes right down to it, we liberals are a bunch of whores. Speaking of which, I’d really appreciate it if you bought your Amazon stuff through this Frankly Curious link. And yes, I do expect a little credit for not taking up your whole screen for that bit of whoring.

What Destroying Obamacare Will Do

We Heart ObamacareI’ve written a couple of articles about the threat that we now face because the Supreme Court decided to review King v Burwell. The first was, Supreme Court May Yet Destroy Obamacare — which goes over the case and how it could ultimately lead to the repeal of Obamacare. The second was just last night, Consservatives Will Kill Textualism to Hurt Obamacare — which discusses how the textualists on the Supreme Court will likely abandon their supposed judicial philosophy for the chance to harm the healthcare law they so hate. What I haven’t discussed is just what the effect of such a decision would be in the thirty-odd states that did not create their own exchanges.

Luckily, Jonathan Cohn is on the job, Here’s What the Supreme Court Could Do to Insurance Premiums In Your State. We are going to see insurance premiums go up — way up. This is a lot of disruption, “Nationwide, more than 4 million people living in 37 states would be in situations like these.” But there’s more. Because the premiums would quickly rise, most people would be unable to continue to afford it and this would have a destabilizing effect on insurers. And this would mean everyone else would be paying more:

The underlying premiums for all people buying insurance on their own in these states would rise by an average of 43 percent, while the number of Americans without insurance could rise by as much as 7 million.

I’m reminded of John Roberts disingenuous comment about just calling balls and strikes. This case is not about playing umpire. If the Supreme Court manages to gut Obamacare, it will be doing it as the partisan judicial arm of the Republican Party. I know this sounds like hyperbole, but it is literally true: if the Supreme Court does this, people will die as a direct result. And John Roberts and the rest of the conservatives on the court are delusional if they think they are just disinterested parties calling strikes.

The one thing that has most defined the Roberts Court has been legal scholars consistently amazed that cases that would have been laughed out of small claims court a few years ago finding a winning audience in the highest court in the nation. If Roberts is really interested in his legacy, he’s doing a terrible job of it. Roger Taney is mostly remembered for a single decision. Roberts will be remembered as the Chief Justice who oversaw the complete breakdown of law in the name of partisan gain.

In this case, the people most targeted are going to see an overwhelming assault. Cohn provided the following graph to show just how big an effect the lack of federal subsidies will be in the states that are directly affected:

Premium Increases as a Result of King v Burwell

That’s a 500% increase in Florida. Good thing they voted for Rick Scott! But that’s actually nothing compared to the people of Mississippi who will see their average premium go from $23 to $438 — an increase of over 1,900%! What’s most remarkable about this lawsuit is that this is exactly what it is trying to do. This isn’t some unfortunate side effect. The idea is to get people angry so that they kill the law. But if that doesn’t happen, it means that people will pay taxes and without getting any benefit from it.

I hate books and television shows with titles like, “America’s Stupidest Criminals!” It doesn’t reflect an understanding that most crime is the result of desperation. Robbing a liquor store is not at the top of most people’s list of, “How to make ends meet!” So I’m very understanding of the millions in our jails and prisons. But the kind of people who push lawsuits like King v Burwell are not desperate. They are simply harming other people — mostly powerless people — just to get an advantage. They are doing this because a tiny tax was enacted for the rich. That is, after all, the reason conservatives are against Obamacare. Forget the individual mandate and all that; they hate the law because it raised taxes on the rich.

So remember this graph when you hear conservatives talk with glee about the impending doom of Obamacare. This is what we are talking about. And these are not the people on welfare — those people won’t be affected. This is something that conservatives are doing to the working poor: people doing hard jobs for little money. That’s what modern conservatism is all about: afflict the afflicted and comfort the comfortable. They must be so pleased with themselves. Of course, that’s the great thing about being a sociopath: you always sleep well.

Veterans and the End of War

Veterans DayI bristle at most holidays, but Veterans Day has a special place in my mind. I’m not at all bothered by paying tribute to our veterans, but this holiday has a strong jingoist feel to it. Here in the United States, being against war is generally seen as being against the soldiers who we have do our dirty work. But that’s just a con. In general, people don’t like wars. So by grafting “support the war” onto “support the troops” our war mongers can get a pass.

Remember when Donald Rumsfeld said, “You go to war with the army you have — not the army you might want or wish to have at a later time”? The implication there was that the Iraq War was existential. We had to go war right then. Of course, missing from this analysis was the six months that the administration used for a propaganda campaign to goose up support for that war. Where exactly was the support for the troops then?

Rumsfeld was answering a question from Army Specialist Thomas Wilson, “Why do we soldiers have to dig through local landfills for pieces of scrap metal and compromised ballistic glass to up-armor our vehicles? And why don’t we have those resources readily available to us?” But in the American psyche, support for the troops is putting a yellow ribbon on your SUV and never questioning the justice or advisability for the war. “America right or wrong!”

Last year, when writing about Veterans Day, I noted that most of our wars were useless and this does not reflect on the men who fight them, “It is no disrespect to Achilles and Hector to note that the Trojan War was useless and tragic.” But useless wars are a reflection on those who start them and those who sell them.

Veterans Day was originally Armistice Day — a celebration of the end of the very useless World War I. It was specifically intended to mark that war and the roughly twenty million who had died fighting it. At the end of World War II, Armistice Day was expanded to celebrate all veterans and the day was changed officially to Veterans Day in 1954 — the first one was 60 years ago today.

It is a technical distinction, but an important one. Armistice Day was always about veterans — specially dead veterans. But it called to mind the end of war — a great gift to soldiers everywhere. Veterans Day flips this on its head. It implies that veterans are a good thing to have. “Let’s make some more veterans!” To me the day is not about celebrating veterans, but of asking forgiveness. Does anyone think it was right to draft young men and have them die for the sake of World War I? Such a distinction is the difference between jingoistic “America, hell yeah!” and, as Woodrow Wilson said when first celebrating Armistice Day, an occasion of “solemn pride in the heroism of those who died in the country’s service.”

I would think differently if something had changed. We can celebrate past wars and the people who fought in them. My concern is that Veterans Day is used to push casual war as an acceptable practice. Now the United States is in perpetual war. We might as well change Veterans Day to Soldier Day, for all the difference it makes. Many of the founders of this country were concerned about having a standing army. I wonder what they would think of us today with our standing wars.

So celebrate Veterans Day. Honor our veterans — living and dead. But don’t lose sight of reality. There are no “bloody good wars” — just bloody wars.

Crime and Фёдор Достоевский

Fyodor DostoyevskyOn this day in 1821, the great writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky was born. As always, it is hard to know exactly how to judge a writer in translation. But I think that Dosteyevsky’s voice comes across as well in translation as does Cervantes. While Cervantes was clearly a sly and funny man, Dosteyevsky was, well, not. He was more idealistic and thoughtful. He is also profound in a way that I have never found Tolstoy. But that is probably because Dostoyevsky is more of a spiritual writer.

Crime and Punishment is the only novel of his that I know really well. What’s interesting is the process of development of Raskolnikov. He starts off as a kind of Ayn Rand character: rational and evil. It is only as he becomes less rational that he’s able to glimpse the broader truth of life. But that doesn’t make him irrational. It is just, as I see every day, that the fanatical pursuit of ideological truths lead to the most vile of behavior.

If you find someone who is obsessed with Rand or Nietzsche, the logical antidote is Dostoyevsky. Rand especially shows the propagandistic power of a simple idea. But its effectiveness and simplicity does not make it correct. And what Dostoyevsky understands, in Crime and Punishment and elsewhere is that certainty is generally not a good thing. And he didn’t have the Nazis as an example. (Not that it is necessary; in the long history of humanity, the Nazis really aren’t that unusual.)

Happy birthday Fyodor Dostoyevsky!

Cons Will Kill Textualism to Hurt Obamacare

Antonin ScaliaI read a remarkable article today over at SCOTUSblog today by Yale Law Professor Abbe R Gluck, The Grant in King — Obamacare Subsidies as Textualism’s Big Test. She is a big advocate of textualism — the theory that judges should base the decisions only on the text of the law. As I discussed in, Originalism, Textualism, and Politics on the Supreme Court, this is usually misidentified as “originalism.” So textualism is the theory that supposedly animates such conservative judicial titans as Scalia and Thomas.

According to Gluck, the case in King v Burwell, which threatens to destroy Obamacare, is the ultimate test of textualism. If Scalia and company find for the plaintiffs, they will do so because they don’t like Obamacare and it will “threaten all that textualists have accomplished.” She argued that the case is not about what the law says versus what the intent of the legislators was — the critical issue in textualism. Rather it is all about what the law itself says. In fact, the plaintiffs can only make their case by resorting to non-textual arguments about what Congress did or did not mean when it wrote the law.

Clarence ThomasShe further noted that Scalia himself recently argued that “the fundamental canon of statutory construction that the words of a statute must be read in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.” And in another case he argued that the court should read legislation such that it “does least violence to the text.” So, is the “liberal” reading of the text this time the “textual” reading? It would seem so.

The critical clause that the plaintiffs have latched onto is in section 1401 that states that subsidies will be based upon the premiums found through the “Exchange established by the State under 1311.” Section 1311 gives the law about the state exchanges. But that isn’t the end of it:

Section 1401 can still be read literally because the section that authorizes the federal exchanges, Section 1321, provides that if a state does not establish an exchange under Section 1311, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) “shall… establish and operate such Exchange within the State.” In other words, HHS must “establish” a Section 1311 exchange, which is a state exchange. Moreover, the Act defines “Exchange,” with a capital E, three times in the statute as a “state” exchange. And HHS, in Section 1321, is told to establish “such [capital E] Exchange.” The Court need not add or delete a single word of the ACA to reach this conclusion.

It seems pretty straight forward. The plaintiff’s case is dependent upon saying, “We know that Congress meant to not provide these subsidies to the states because they wanted to encourage the states to set up their own exchanges.” But this isn’t in the text of the law. I would add that the evidence of this being the case is pretty weak anyway. The interesting thing in this case is that it shows that the conservative efforts to destroy Obamacare has a scattershot approach. I doubt very seriously that the people at the Cato Institute who came up with this idea thought very much of it. But the idea is just to throw everything at the courts and hope something sticks. The last time it did, it was, “Could the government force people to eat broccoli?!”

John RobertsGluck seems a little freaked out about this case. I can’t speak for her, but I assume she’s thinking the same thing that I am: the conservative textualists don’t much believe in the theory. It has always been a simple justification for coming to their conservative (neolithic) decisions. And now that a case comes up where the choice is either to apply the textualism they supposedly believe in or to destroy a law they don’t like for other reasons, they will simply abandon textualism.

Of course, here we are primarily talking about the two justices: Scalia and Thomas. Kennedy and Alito will vote for the plaintiffs just because they hate the law. That leaves Roberts, who voted to uphold the law in National Federation of Independent Business v Sebelius. Wouldn’t he vote to uphold it again? Probably not. As Bill Gardner noted earlier today, this case allows the conservative justices to greatly harm the law (very likely fatally) without killing it outright. It doesn’t look good.

What’s sad about all this is that it shows what a sham the Supreme Court is. At this point, the conservatives on the court are as partisan as any member of Congress. I fully expect to see Scalia and Thomas cast aside all their high ideals for a chance to strike a blow against Obama’s most important piece of legislation. But it won’t matter. Anyone who is not already convinced that they are partisan hacks will never see what’s really going on.

I Shouldn’t Have Watched The Replacements Again

The ReplacementsIn 2000, I actually saw the film The Replacements in the theater. It is a film starring Keanu Reeves, Gene Hackman, and Brooke Langton. And it tells the story of a group of scab players during a football players strike. At the time, I thought it was good enough. It’s just a light comedy that truly does have some funny moments. And I like Reeves and Hackman. And Langton is both a pretty and capable actor. I should have just kept those memories and not revisited the film. What I just listed is still true of the film. But everything else swamps the little that is good.

If I wanted to, I could easily crank out a couple thousands words about the truly vile treatment of unionization in this film. It’s still amazing to me that the default America position on unions is exactly what the power elite want. In the film, the players are going on strike because the multi-million dollar players are not making enough money, “Do you know how much insurance is on a Ferrari, mother?!” That’s an exact quote and that is the the essence of the film. Other than at the very end of the film, the owners are presented as poor victims of the evil players’ salary demands.

So the film is portrayed just as the Walton family wants: the powerful union players and the poor but scrappy non-union players who are just looking for a chance. And that’s fine, except of course, that the truly powerful people are not even mentioned in this pairing. People come to stadiums built with public money to see the union players, but it is the billionaire owners who make the lion share of the money. And according to America, the bad guys are the ones who the people are paying to see. Charming.

The treatment of unionization would be enough to ruin the film for me. But what really makes the film stand out is that it is as tired as anything I’ve ever seen. It is nothing but cliched characters put in cliched situations. There’s the big black gangsta who holds his gun sideways, the foul-mouthed, chain-smoking Welsh kicker, and skinny coward who runs very fast. (For the record, someone that fast would be employed as a safety, regardless of his catching abilities.) The film ends with the replacements winning the the last game of the season on the last play and getting into the playoffs, even though none of them will be playing in the playoffs because the strike is now over. It also has a very boring romance that mostly consists of one kiss — played embarrassingly for comedy — followed by a forced third act problem where Reeves stands up Langton, apparently because Reeves was taking advice from the evil unionized quarterback.

The funniest thing in the film is the cheerleader tryouts. And my understanding was that these were not scripted. Female actors were asked to come in and do bits. The best one was a woman dressed up to look more or less like a librarian. She then very awkwardly cheered, “Let’s here it for the quarterback. Hey-hey, ho-ho! Could anyone play better? Say-say, no-no! Tackle, tackle, tackle, tackle, tack, tack, tack! Show those other boys what they lack, lack, lack! If I gave you a dollar, you could keep most of the change, ’cause all I really want is a quarter back!” It is by far the most charming thing in the film.

The main thing I felt watching the film was battered. The film pushes the viewer from one bit of plot to another — at its best, it marks time from one gag to the next. But most of the comedy takes place in the first half of the film. By the second half, the film takes itself more seriously, although I truly can’t imagine why. Another thing I can’t understand is why Reeves and Hackman would want to be in this film. Did Hackman need to buy a new home somewhere? Did Reeves need more anti-stalking equipment? That’s all I can think of, because clearly they couldn’t have thought much of the film going in.

Of course, my normal standard for a film is whether it works; does it succeed in doing what the filmmakers set out to do? In a sense, it did. But that’s just because the filmmakers were clearly trying to make a commercial piece of garbage without working very hard. But that is such an ignoble effort that I think the the normal rules don’t apply. Anyway, the film doesn’t really work as an entertainment. It has its moments, but mostly the viewer feels dragged through it. And as it is, the film barely made back its production costs during its original release — indicating that on the “commercial” front, the film didn’t succeed.