More on the “Police Work Is Dangerous” Myth

Ted McLaughlinI’ve written a number of times before about a relative safety of police work. But recently, Ted McLaughlin at Job’s Anger provided more detailed information than I’ve been able to find, Police Officers Do NOT Have the Most Dangerous Jobs. So I thought we should go through the issue again. The point is not that police work should be dangerous. All human activities should be safe as possible. But the issue with policing is that as a society, we make such a big deal of the danger of police work. And this is used as an excuse for all manner of police abuse and incompetence. This would be bad enough if it were true that police work were really dangerous. But even that isn’t true.

One thing that I hear all the time is an officer saying (and more commonly, it being said for them), “When I leave for work, I don’t know if I’m coming home that night.” While technically true, it is also technically true of literally every person who leaves for work. Or you want to take it to absurd levels? “When I take a bath, I don’t know if I’m leaving that bathroom alive.” It’s true! In 2000, 341 Americans drown while taking a bath.

Most Dangerous Jobs

But you might counter this, “Yeah, but people drowning aren’t shot by criminals!” True enough. But most people who drown seem to fall and hit their heads. And here’s the thing: most police officers are not shot by criminals either. I discussed this in a related article, Let’s Not Turn Dead Police Officers Into Heroes. I noted, “The majority of police officers who die on the job, do so in traffic accidents. Thus far this year, there are almost as many health related deaths (mostly heart attacks) as shooting deaths.” So really, the most dangerous thing about being a police officer is driving so much — it means accidents and bad health because they sit around so much.

Ted also presented a chart that shows both total and violent deaths of police officers has gone down by almost a third in the last ten years. I know that Ted worked in and around law enforcement. He’s got a more positive view of the industry. I tend to think there is a more fundamental problem: police work (like politics) tends to attract the wrong kind of people for those jobs. But I think he is right that the issue is mostly one of management. The problem could clearly be minimized with better management. I am always reminded of something Jim Hogshire[1] wrote in You Are Going to Prison, “Rape and other forms of violence happens in any prison in inverse proportion to the amount of time and effort the prison’s administrators put into stopping it.” I think it is largely the same thing in police departments.

But my interest in the subject is primarily about the way that police officers spend so much time whining about how difficult and dangerous their jobs are. And the bigger issue is that we as a society allow them to do it. I respect police officers in the same way that I respect any civil servants. They are people paid to do a job. They have a fair amount of power. I don’t want to make their lives hard. But I won’t stand for their abuse of power. And the “police work is dangerous” myth is nothing but an apologia for police misconduct.[2]


[1] Jim was a taxicab driver in Texas many years ago. According to the graph above, that is a more danger job than being a police officer. He told me that he once crashed his cab when a customer threatened him with a gun. Jim was certain he was going to be murdered.

[2] It’s very possible that the myth is also helpful in keeping police salaries high. I don’t want to see their salaries lowered, however. I want to see effort made to bring back the middle class so that their quite reasonable salaries don’t stand out.

Morning Music: Couldn’t Love You More

One World - John MartynNow we move forward to 1977, with John Martyn’s more experiment, more electric One World. Overall the album is a bit more “pop” in its own way. But don’t worry: Martyn is always Martyn. That’s one of the things that most defines him: he always seems to remain true to himself. He reminds me of something that was written about the artist Bernard Frouchtben, “In [his case] the ego appears worth knowing.” Indeed. (For both men.)

The song I’ve chosen from the album is one of the more classic, “Couldn’t Love You More.” The album cut is really interesting in its production. But you know, I like to get live cuts if I can. After all, I’m not on the radio here.

Anniversary Post: Battle of the Teutoburg Forest

Arminius?On this day in 9 CE, Arminius led the German tribes to totally destroy three Roman legions at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. As you all know, I’m not all that keen on the Germans. And really, it isn’t the Nazis. Well, I don’t know. The truth is that over the last decade in Europe, they have been as big a bully with their economic power as they were with their military power under the Nazis. But I suppose the main problem I have with the Germans is that they are so much like the Americans. Regardless, I like that the Germans put their differences aside and kicked some Roman butt.

The more I’ve learned about the Romans, the more they seem very much like fascists. I know: people have to be judged by their own times. But how far does that really get you? I mean, the Greeks came first, and they were not nearly as brutal. So I think there really was something wrong with the Roman Republican and then Empire.

Anyway, I could write a summary of this most famous battle. Buy why when you could just watch this great episode of Terry Jones’ Barbarians, “The Savage Goths.” You have to remember that Jones has an ax to grind. Basically, he thinks it was the Romans who were the real barbarians. And he is mostly right.

Scott Walker Is a Follower and the Base Knows It

Scott WalkerFor much of this year, I really thought that Scott Walker was the most likely person for the Republicans to pick for their nominee. Part of this was just that I thought the Republicans would not pick another Bush. I mean, really: it’s embarrassing. This is the top pick of the “deep bench”? A third Bush?! Republicans don’t even like the first one. And everyone knows that the second one was a catastrophe. But Walker was everything that Republicans dream of: a hardcore union buster who is also washed in Jesus’ blood. And he even seemed to be getting a little fiery on the campaign trail. But now: nothing.

It seems to me the biggest problem is that Scott Walker is a follower, not a leader. And frankly, this is a big problem in the Republican field. It is probably one of the reasons that Trump is getting so much traction. Most of the others seem like they are afraid of going off script. This is especially true of Scott Walker. I don’t feel any passion in him. If he became president, it would be hard not to see him as a puppet of the Koch brothers. It’s hard for the Republican base to get excited about him when they see themselves as “bold” and “decisive” and (this is really funny) “independent.”

But the most obvious manifestation of this is the fact that Scott Walker is boring. And Matt Yglesias noticed that the newest ad for the guy just highlights this. It “casts Walker’s 2011 showdown with Wisconsin’s civilian public sector labor unions as a kind of awesome, exciting action movie.” It also, it should be added, totally distorts the whole thing. (“Liberal activists”? I think they were actually workers.) But Walker has been doing that all along. To me, all his talk of death threats just makes him seem weak. “Don’t get out of the car! Ordinary Americans are scary!” Again: he’s just being the good soldier for the Koch brothers.

Still, this campaign ad looks pretty good — right up to the part where Walker starts talking:

Yglesias’ argument is that Walker is the Tim Pawlenty of this campaign cycle. In a lot of ways, that seems to be fair. In particular, they look good on paper but they just don’t excite the voters. And maybe that’s a big part of the problem. Looking good on paper is good for a job interview or getting into college. But it doesn’t get you named prom queen. And that’s especially so when all the other people you are running against look fairly good on paper too.

But Yglesias attacks Pawlenty for the following video. His point is “the more amped up your video content gets, the more it sends the dullness of the candidate into stark relief.” I don’t think that’s the problem. I think Pawlenty’s ad works great. Maybe it didn’t contrast well to the candidate on the stump; but just looking at this ad, Pawlenty looks impressive:

Tim Pawlenty didn’t inspire in 2012. Part of that was his campaign. And given the way the campaign went — with Rick Santorum becoming a contender — I think Pawlenty might have succeeded if he had stayed in. There are fundamental differences between him and Scott Walker. First, he was clearly smart. Second, he seemed like he was at least in charge of himself. I really think that the way the Republican base sees Walker can be summed up in an honest slogan, “Scott Walker: He’ll Do As He’s Told!” And that is his ultimate problem.

Going on in Guatemala

Erik LoomisCitizens finally came together to stand up to the kleptocracy that has run the country since the end of the civil war of the 80s. Protests have brought down Otto Pérez Molina after already taking out most of his administration. This is a great moment of democratic protest in a nation where political violence has been endemic for a very long time.

But I am pretty skeptical that the nation’s political climate changes that significantly. The factors against it are so high. First, it’s not like the movement against Pérez Molina has any program except protesting the corruption of one administration. Second, the military and oligarchs who dominate the nation are not going away. Third, the culture of corruption in politics there is powerful.

Still, this is an unabashed good thing and at least there is a moment of hope in a nation that offers far too few of those.

—Erik Loomis
Guatemala

Reform Conservatives Are as Beholden to Plutocrats as All the Rest

Josh BarroSteve M at No More Mister Nice Blog has a message worth heeding, Dear Reform Conservatives: the Anti-Reform Plutocrats Who Finance Your Party Won’t Magically Disappear. It is in reference to a recent article by Josh Barro, Is Trump the Candidate Reform Conservatives Are Seeking? In that article, Barro is more or less making the argument that Trump can cause a “reform conservative” to gain traction in the Republican primary. Barro seems to just get more and more silly as he ages. But that’s true of the “reform conservative” movement. These people will be waiting a long time for the conservative movement to reform itself. And the “reform conservatives” aren’t really helping.

Steve M scoffed at the notion that support for Trump does not, as David Frum was quoted as saying, serve “notice that the donors’ platform isn’t even acceptable inside the party.” The Tea Party — as I seem to repeat at least weekly — started not because of some libertarian concern about “big government.” It didn’t rise up when the banks got bailed out. It rose up when the government started talking about helping home owners. Of course, what it really meant is that the Tea Party isn’t an independent thing. It is just a new name for the Republican base. They’re always pissed off. It was just that the big money donors were willing to fund organizing against helping out ordinary Americans. The money wasn’t there to fund organizing against the bank bailout.

But the point stands. As Steve M said, “These same voters pulled the lever for a hell of a lot of Republicans running on precisely the donors’ platform in the past few years. What do you think the agenda was when Republicans blew out the Democrats in the 2014 midterms? It certainly wasn’t a rebuke-the-Koch-brothers agenda. It certainly wasn’t a rebuke-the-Koch-brothers agenda when Scott Walker won those three elections.” They actually do want to protect Social Security and do think that the oligarchs are manipulating the system for their own benefit. But these are minor issues compared to what all the Republican candidates deliver: demagoguery against the weak.

Even Reihan Salam in Barro’s article indicates that the Tea Party movement isn’t libertarian. Of course, that was clear from the start. The Tea Party movement has never made much sense. But the one aspect of it that binds them all together are conservative social issues. And in particular, it is all about abortion. A radical anti-choice position is the one thing you can depend upon with a Tea Party candidate. It’s probably because they are so focused on such issues that the plutocrats have no problem getting their own way on the economic issues that they care about.

The main thing for me is just to be reminded about how silly the “reform conservative” movement is. The truth is that it is filled with really smart people like Barro and Frum and Salam. Yet they are totally deluded. They can’t get past their own ideology to focus on the practical matters at hand. Are they really interested in policies that would help the middle class? Then why don’t they stand up for union rights? But the answer to that is obvious: they are far more committed to conservatism than they are to the middle class that their “reforms” are supposed to help. And that means that it isn’t just the Republican base that is willing to carry water for the rich — it’s the “reform conservatives” themselves.


See also: Josh Barro Phenomenon. That article, which caused me a lot of grief two years ago, looks pretty damned good now. I’d be curious to hear what Barro now thinks of Christie’s great decision on the tunnel. Was it really a good idea to kill it because it was too costly? If that was the reason he killed it (and I don’t accept that for a moment), then it is a whole lot more costly now.

There Are Two Evangelical Movements and the Conservative One Supported Slavery

Elizabeth Stoker BruenigElizabeth Stoker Bruenig wrote a great article over at New Republic, Can the Evangelical Left Rise Again? Now, I’m not very interested in the question she raised there. But for the record: probably not. It is true that in recent years, the GOP has treated Evangelicals fairly poorly under George W Bush. Remember the 2004 election that for Evangelicals was all about same sex marriage, but suddenly turned into “privatizing Social Security” as soon as Bush won? That does tend to foster a certain amount of resentment. Just the same: conservative Evangelicals support the Republican Party for mostly non-Christian reasons. Both sides are really focused on hatred of “those” people.

When it comes to the evangelical left, they just aren’t as much in sync with the Democratic Party. For example, my neighbor across the street is a loyal Democrat, but also an Evangelical. He isn’t keen on the party’s positions on abortion or same sex marriage. But the economic issues trump that. I’m not sure that Bruenig is correct to suggest that Evangelicals are “in lockstep with the GOP.” It’s just that they don’t about care issues like economic fairness. Liberal Evangelicals just seem to be more aware of the issues.

But what I found most interesting about Bruenig’s article was the history of it. The United States used to have a really big liberal evangelical movement. These were the people who were fighting for the end of slavery. There were conservative Evangelicals then too. They were the ones who (Quite rightly!) pointed out that slavery was in the Bible — in a very positive way. And later, they were the ones defending Jim Crow and segregation with Genesis 9:27, “May God enlarge Japheth, and let him dwell in the tents of Shem; and let Canaan be their servant.”

I think this is really important to remember: there are liberal and conservative Evangelicals — and there always have been. It’s long annoyed me that conservative Christians run around grabbing onto the liberal Evangelical legacies from abolitionism through Martin Luther King. I knew it wasn’t right. I knew that during King’s day, the John Birch Society — a major conservative Christian organization — was totally against the Civil Rights movement. They were the ones claiming that King was a communist. I knew that these were not the kind of Christians who were fighting for African slaves in the Antebellum Period. I just didn’t have a narrative to explain it.

As recently as the 1960s, liberal Evangelicals were a well established group. “These left Evangelicals were anti-war, pro-civil rights, and deeply concerned with people on the margins of society.” And they are still around, just not a defined group. The reason that “Evangelical” has become synonymous with “conservative Christian,” is that the right has done so much to promote that. It’s pretty much the same thing that they did with the Tea Party movement. It’s a whole lot easier to have a clear “movement” when there are evil rich people ponying up money for conferences and other get togethers.

But the bottom line is the same: when these Republican Evangelicals claim that their movement is an extension of abolitionist movement, they are either ignorant or just disingenuous.

Morning Music: May You Never

Solid Air - John MartynAt long last we get a live performance of John Martyn. We are now in 1973, and Martyn has fully arrived with his album Solid Air. What is it? Folk? Jazz? Blues? Pop? It is all these things and none. It is John Martyn. The title tune was written about and for Nike Drake. I mentioned Drake at the beginning of this week, because he and Martyn are similar in many ways. I didn’t realize that they were friends. But the tune is very clear about Drake’s mental problems. But it includes these touching lyrics, “I know you, I love you; And I can be your friend; I can follow you anywhere; Even through solid air.”

But “Solid Air” is actually too depressing to listen to, given that Drake would be dead less than two years later. Anyway, I prefer another song on the album, “May You Never.” It’s a beautiful song about friendship and love. I could interpret it in a number of ways, so I’m not going to go into it. Anyway, the lyrics don’t matter that much. And it would probably only be in the sixth or seventh listen that you started to really grok them. But I’ll bet “may you never lay your head down without a hand to hold” will be going through your head all day.

Anniversary Post: Star Trek

Star TrekOn this day in 1966, Star Trek debuted on television. I remember my brother was really into it. The only episode I remember seeing was doubtlessly a rerun of “Arena.” This was where Kirk is forced to fight some reptilian species known as “Gorn.” It is some kind of trial by combat thing, where Kirk shows he is a Good Guy™ by refusing to kill the Gorn when he has the opportunity. It is one of the silliest episodes of the first season.

When I was older, I became friends with Will who was a Star Trek fanatic. In junior high school (middle school now), he wore a Star Trek shirt. It seems like he always did, but that can’t be correct. Regardless, I still wasn’t that into the show. To be honest, I’ve never really been into science fiction. What finally made me take Star Trek seriously was my first wife, who was also a huge fan.

That was during the first years of Star Trek: The Next Generation. I don’t even much remember it. I must have liked it. I may be a terrible romantic partner, but I am good at embracing whatever my partners are interested in. But TNG made me appreciate the original series (TOS). TNG was just too perfect — everyone was so well adjusted. Who thinks that is a good idea for a drama?! Spock and Bones might have had ridiculous arguments and pathetically developed characters, but at least they disliked each other!

And I came to appreciate Kirk as a Romantic hero. TNG is everything that conservatives (wrongly) claim liberals want in society. But the truth is that it mightn’t be such a bad thing in society, but it’s damned boring on the screen. And it ended up with the episodes being more like puzzles than plays. There was always some perfect trick that would make everything work out. And after a while: who cares!

Today, I like Star Trek for what I originally didn’t like: it is cheesy. And it was at its best when it was doing comedy. “A Piece of the Action” is probably my favorite episode, because it is so clear that they are all in on the joke. And that is something that has been sorely missing since then.

Happy birthday Star Trek!

Why “Literally” Normally Means “Not Literally”

Not LiterallyIf there is one “misuse” of a word that is likely to make a grammar pedant go crazy, it is the use of “literally” to mean “not literally”: figuratively or metaphorically. But like with most things about pedants, they are wrong. For the millionth time, grammar is a way to understand how language works. It is not a way of constraining it. Grammar snobs are ridiculous in the same way that physicists would be who complain that relativistic mechanics doesn’t act the way that Newton’s theory does. But grammar snobs can get away with this because most people don’t understand that grammar is a model and not a definition.

But if you were to click over to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary and look at the entry for “literally,” you would notice something interesting. The first definition of the word is, “in a literal sense or manner: actually.” But the second definition of the word is, “in effect: virtually.” Now I should be clear: I try very hard to never use “literally” in the second sense. I like words to be clean. And I definitely don’t like to get into arguments (or cabs, elevators, or even really city blocks) with grammar pedants. They’re just exhausting.

There is something weird about the word “literally,” though. It’s kind of useless. Is it ever necessary to say, “He was standing literally in front of me?” About the only time the word is useful is as in, “He took my exaggeration literally.” And it just isn’t used that way very much. So there’s another reason not to use word. It is very rarely necessary. It just stands in the way of communicating what you want to say. But there is a reason that people use the word so much, and it isn’t unjustified.

“Literally” is mostly used as an intensifier: a word meant to add force to whatever is near it. So just as someone might say, “He was really big,” they might also say, “He was literally a giant.” Used in this way, those who “misuse” the word are actually right. Because if the man was André the Giant, it would be redundant to say that he was literally a giant; he was just a giant — it’s in the name. It’s little wrinkles like this that the grammar snobs almost never think about. But I don’t suppose it greatly matters.

But this explains why it is that the second definition of “literally” is the more common one. It isn’t a very useful word in its “correct” form. People love intensifiers — especially in spoken form. Note the extreme popularity of “fucking” used in this context. In fact, with minor syntactical changes, it can generally be used to replace “literally” in a sentence when it is used this way. But what the grammar pedants need to understand is that most of the time when they use literally “correctly” they are being redundant. And that is an even bigger sin than using literally in a way that literally everyone understands.

The Scandalization of Bravery

Paul GlastrisWhy are conservatives so obsessed with Benghazi? The conventional view is that they see it as a great weapon against Hillary Clinton, and that’s certainly true. Seven bipartisan inquiries, including one by the GOP-controlled House Intelligence Committee, have together debunked every single accusation that there was some kind of scandal associated with the attacks that killed Ambassador Chris Stevens and three other US staff members in Libya in 2012 — for instance, that the administration issued a “stand down” order that kept US military from sending in a rescue team. Yet an eighth investigation, by the Select Committee on Benghazi, grinds on.

In June, the committee spent a day grilling the journalist and former Clinton White House aide Sidney Blumenthal. The purported subject of the hearing was a series of emails about Benghazi that Blumenthal sent to Hillary Clinton, a personal friend, when she was secretary of state. The committee session quickly devolved into a political fishing expedition, with Republicans posing more than 160 questions about Blumenthal’s relationship and communications with the Clintons, more than fifty about the Clinton Foundation, and only four about security in Benghazi. The committee looks also to be the source behind The New York Times’ catastrophically inaccurate front-page story in July alleging a criminal referral to the Department of Justice about Clinton and her emails. The committee’s leader, Republican Representative Trey Gowdy, has said that the committee’s report won’t be completed until (surprise, surprise) 2016, in the middle of the presidential race. In the rich history of Washington scandal mongering, we have seen few investigations more cynical and nihilistic than this one.

Still, I don’t think naked political expediency sufficiently explains the bottomless well of outrage that Benghazi has stirred up among base Republican voters. To understand that, I think you have to go back to the 1979 Iranian hostage crisis. Those who lived through that era can recall not just the nail-biting drama of those 444 days but also the sense of national effrontery — Ted Koppel’s famous nightly ABC News show about the crisis was tellingly entitled America Held Hostage.

The hostage crisis had three lasting effects. First, because it happened on Jimmy Carter’s watch, in the midst of a presidential race, and ended at the very moment Ronald Reagan was sworn into office, the crisis validated Republicans’ inner sense that they and only they could be trusted to protect America’s security. Second, the crisis turned the general subject of the safety of US diplomats into a political and ideological issue in a way it never had been. In the eleven years prior to the hostage crisis, five US ambassadors were murdered by militants and terrorists in places like Lebanon, Guatemala, and the Sudan. None of those losses, which occurred under presidents of both parties, was seen by the public or in Washington as a grievous insult to America generally, or through a partisan filter, or as evidence of systematic failure by the US government requiring root-to-branch investigations with presumptions of perfidy at the top. Rather, they were treated the same way Chris Stevens’s murder (the first of a US ambassador since 1979) should be seen: as brave diplomats killed in the line of duty.

The third effect of the hostage crisis was to make politicians and the State Department so paranoid about security that they turned US embassies into fortresses and put tight restrictions on the movement of staff. This has certainly saved American lives. But it’s also made it much harder for our diplomats to do their jobs — a point that the foreign correspondent and former Washington Monthly editor Robert Worth made in The New York Times Magazine in 2012. As a foreign correspondent myself in the mid-1990s I remember senior US foreign service officers expressing envy at my ability to travel to wherever the action was and interview people — an absolutely vital way of learning what’s happening on the ground that they could no longer do without heavy security, or, in many cases, at all. A reporter friend of mine in Sarajevo in 1995 who later served as a USAID officer in Pakistan used to complain to me that he felt like a prisoner in the embassy in Islamabad, unable, really, to do his job effectively.

Ambassadors make the calls on diplomatic security matters in their domains, so they have more leeway to decide where, when, and how they travel. But the pressure on them from their staffs and Washington not to take chances is intense.

Chris Stevens famously pushed back against that pressure in 2011 when, as US envoy to Libya, he was the US government’s main interlocutor to the rebels who ultimately overthrew Moammar Ghadhafi. Stevens, who spoke the Libyan dialect of Arabic, lived openly in Benghazi with minimal security. His actions during that period became legendary among US diplomats. It was an act of patriotic bravery, repeated a year later when, as ambassador, he returned to Benghazi, knowing as well as anyone the poor security situation there. We need more Chris Stevenses in our diplomatic corps. The Republicans in Congress are doing everything they can to make sure we have fewer, even if that isn’t their intention.

—Paul Glastris
The Scandalization of Bravery…

Labor Day 2015

[I wrote this last year for Labor Day. And I think it is great. If you didn’t read it then, you really should read it now. It tells the history of the holiday and about the people who suffered so we could all enjoy it. -FM]

Happy Labor Day!Happy labor day, comrades! Do you know why labor day is today and not on May Day — International Workers’ Day? Well, it’s because of the commies and anarchists. President Grover Cleveland was afraid of associating the international worker movements with the American movements. Of course, Cleveland wasn’t all that keen on the labor movement. But he made Labor Day a national holiday! Why? Because he was trying to make nice after totally screwing up in the government’s response to the Pullman Strike.

This is an interesting but totally typical story. The Pullman Company made railroad cars. Following the Panic of 1893, Pullman lowered worker wages. There is nothing especially wrong with this. It can be much better than laying workers off. Of course, Pullman did lay off workers. It probably only lowered wages because it had an excuse. But all that was probably okay.

The problem was that the workers lived in a company town. They paid the company for rent and food and more. But when the company lowered wages, it did not lower the cost it was charging workers for their necessities. The workers were, not surprisingly, unhappy about this situation. But George Pullman refused to lower his company town prices and refused to even arbitrate the matter.

Eugene DebsNotice the situation here: Pullman thought that his workers should suffer because of the bad economic conditions. But he didn’t think he should suffer at all. During the first years following our financial crisis and the bursting of the housing bubble, there was endless repetition that what the country needed was “shared sacrifice.” But if you dug down even a little into these pleas, you saw that it was all sacrifice by the lower classes — none by the upper. For example: we heard constantly that we had to cut Social Security, but we couldn’t even mention raising the payroll tax cap. (That would be class warfare!) The bankers were bailed out without much fuss but homeowners were just left to their foreclosures. And there were large cuts to social programs but only a tiny increase in the very top marginal tax rate and only because it was going up anyway.

More desperate than we are today, many of the workers joined Eugene Debs’ American Railway Union (ARU). And they went on strike. It got ugly. Union members eventually stopped railroad service in a number of places. Then Grover Cleveland used the interruption of mail delivery to justify sending in federal troops. This did eventually end the strike — at a loss of 30 striker lives and almost twice as many wounded. This is generally the way it goes.

The government does not like organized labor. It is too much of a threat to the status quo. When organized, workers have enormous power. That was why, in 1947, we got the Taft–Hartley Act, which outlawed “jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns.” And after that, Reagan savaged unions and basically made the remaining union rights void through lack of enforcement.

Grover ClevelandIn 1894, of course, the government was scared. Grover Cleveland and the rest of the government wanted to make nice with organized labor. They probably had Louis XVI of France in mind and were trying to hedge their bets. So only six days after the strike ended, Cleveland signed the legislation making Labor Day a federal holiday.

As for old George Pullman, well, a national commission was appointed to look into the causes of the strike. It found Pullman culpable and said his company town was “un-American.” In 1898, the company was forced to sell off the land, which became part of Chicago. It didn’t matter to George Pullman, however; he died the year before.

After the strike, Debs was arrested and charged with conspiracy to obstruct the mail. You know: it wasn’t enough to have your strike crushed; Debs was a little man and so the government needed to crush him too. But Debs was represented by one of the great heroes of that period: Clarence Darrow. Darrow argued that Debs didn’t conspire to do anything and that it was the railroad that conspired against the workers. This is something that doesn’t seem to be understood by my libertarian enemies who almost to a man hate unions: if workers aren’t able to organize, it isn’t fair; the company management is very organized.

The prosecutors saw they were going to lose the case, so they dropped the conspiracy charge. Debs was later convicted on the lesser charge of violating a Supreme Court injunction and was given six months in jail. Although he entered jail what we might call a liberal, he left a socialist. While in prison he read a whole bunch of Marx and that changed his outlook. He was also influenced by visits from Victor L Berger. Along with him and others, Debs founded the Social Democratic Party of America. He went on to run for president as a socialist five times — the last time in 1920, he did from prison. He was serving a ten year sentence for violating Obama’s favorite law, the Espionage Act of 1917. He violated it by giving a speech that “obstructed recruiting” for World War I.

In 1921, The Bridgemen’s Magazine wrote:

Labor Day evolved from the aspiration of the labor movement; it was not handed down as a present. Its recognition as a legal holiday was won by labor: it was not given as a present.

So enjoy your Labor Day. But don’t forget the suffering and loss that it represents. And don’t stand for people like Eric Cantor showing such great disrespect to it. We know conservatives hate the labor movement. We know that many so called liberals are at best apathetic towards the labor movement. But the least we can demand is that they all show a modicum of respect one day of the year. Now go enjoy your barbecue or whatever.