I read a remarkable article today over at SCOTUSblog today by Yale Law Professor Abbe R Gluck, The Grant in King — Obamacare Subsidies as Textualism’s Big Test. She is a big advocate of textualism — the theory that judges should base the decisions only on the text of the law. As I discussed in, Originalism, Textualism, and Politics on the Supreme Court, this is usually misidentified as “originalism.” So textualism is the theory that supposedly animates such conservative judicial titans as Scalia and Thomas.
According to Gluck, the case in King v Burwell, which threatens to destroy Obamacare, is the ultimate test of textualism. If Scalia and company find for the plaintiffs, they will do so because they don’t like Obamacare and it will “threaten all that textualists have accomplished.” She argued that the case is not about what the law says versus what the intent of the legislators was — the critical issue in textualism. Rather it is all about what the law itself says. In fact, the plaintiffs can only make their case by resorting to non-textual arguments about what Congress did or did not mean when it wrote the law.
She further noted that Scalia himself recently argued that “the fundamental canon of statutory construction that the words of a statute must be read in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.” And in another case he argued that the court should read legislation such that it “does least violence to the text.” So, is the “liberal” reading of the text this time the “textual” reading? It would seem so.
The critical clause that the plaintiffs have latched onto is in section 1401 that states that subsidies will be based upon the premiums found through the “Exchange established by the State under 1311.” Section 1311 gives the law about the state exchanges. But that isn’t the end of it:
It seems pretty straight forward. The plaintiff’s case is dependent upon saying, “We know that Congress meant to not provide these subsidies to the states because they wanted to encourage the states to set up their own exchanges.” But this isn’t in the text of the law. I would add that the evidence of this being the case is pretty weak anyway. The interesting thing in this case is that it shows that the conservative efforts to destroy Obamacare has a scattershot approach. I doubt very seriously that the people at the Cato Institute who came up with this idea thought very much of it. But the idea is just to throw everything at the courts and hope something sticks. The last time it did, it was, “Could the government force people to eat broccoli?!”
Gluck seems a little freaked out about this case. I can’t speak for her, but I assume she’s thinking the same thing that I am: the conservative textualists don’t much believe in the theory. It has always been a simple justification for coming to their conservative (neolithic) decisions. And now that a case comes up where the choice is either to apply the textualism they supposedly believe in or to destroy a law they don’t like for other reasons, they will simply abandon textualism.
Of course, here we are primarily talking about the two justices: Scalia and Thomas. Kennedy and Alito will vote for the plaintiffs just because they hate the law. That leaves Roberts, who voted to uphold the law in National Federation of Independent Business v Sebelius. Wouldn’t he vote to uphold it again? Probably not. As Bill Gardner noted earlier today, this case allows the conservative justices to greatly harm the law (very likely fatally) without killing it outright. It doesn’t look good.
What’s sad about all this is that it shows what a sham the Supreme Court is. At this point, the conservatives on the court are as partisan as any member of Congress. I fully expect to see Scalia and Thomas cast aside all their high ideals for a chance to strike a blow against Obama’s most important piece of legislation. But it won’t matter. Anyone who is not already convinced that they are partisan hacks will never see what’s really going on.
In a recent experiment by psychologists Russell Fazio and Natalie Shook, a group of self-identified liberals and conservatives played BeanFest. And their strategies of play tended to be quite different. Liberals tried out all sorts of beans. They racked up big point gains as a result, but also big point losses — and they learned a lot about different kinds of beans and what they did. Conservatives, though, tended to play more defensively. They tested out fewer beans. They were risk averse, losing less but also gathering less information.
On this day in 1889, the great actor
I love liberalism in its most general sense. The thing about liberalism is that it is fearless. A liberal is not afraid of change. This probably explains why political conservatives are so effected by fear. It also explains their jingoism and the belief that America must spend as much as the rest of the world combined on its military. This isn’t the thinking of the brave; it is the thinking of the coward. So it just makes sense that God would be very liberal. After all, the universe is constantly changing. And we would have to assume that God is brave.
Jonathan Cohn tried to throw a little cold water on the Republican triumphalism last week,
With Sunday comes another article by Thomas Frank, and I was very interested to hear what he had to say. After all, he sounded semi-hopeful last week when it looked like the Kansas voters might finally have had too much and would through out Sam Brownback from office. Yet the incompetent ideologue managed to stay in office, beating the extremely moderate Democrat Paul Davis by just short of four percentage points. But really, what is there to say? Frank has said as much himself: there is no line in the sand; for much of the American middle class, there is no level of incompetence and the total disregard of the interests of the people that will hurt a politician with an R after his name. In most states, the poor are reliably Democratic. But that’s not true in Kansas; even there they pull the lever for the Republican. Because freedom or innocent babies or something.
We can rack our brains and try to figure out how the Democrats could use economic populism to its advantage. But I think that is missing the point. It isn’t that the Democrats can’t figure out how to use economic populism. It is that they think they already own the brand of “economic populism” too much for the comfort of their billionaire funders. This always reminds me of a line from
In contrast to European and Asian nations, which fund schools centrally and equally, the wealthiest US school districts spend nearly ten times more than the poorest, and spending ratios of three to one are common within states.
On this day in 1731, the American astronomer and surveyor
Martin Longman wrote a really thought provoking article over at Washington Monthly that pushes back against the fundamentals obsession of people like me,
Let us return to 2005, the year the American voter realized it had made a terrible mistake in the election the year before. You remember, if 2004, the voters were promised that Bush would “Get the fags!” But once re-elected, the voters found they had voted to “Privatize Social Security!” If ever there was a simple example of
First, the Florida Republicans got involved. It passed “Terri’s Law” that allowed Jeb Bush to take control and have Schiavo’s feeding tub reinserted. When the law was found to be unconstitutional, the case ended up at the Federal Level. And that’s when Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist got involved. You see, he is a physician — a heart surgeon. And in one of the great acts of hubris, he countered the doctors’ diagnosis, even though they had actually spent time with Schiavo to determined her condition, “I question it based on a review of the video footage which I spent an hour or so looking at last night in my office.” It was also, of course, an ethical breach. It was clear that he was just saying what was politically expedient and using his medical degree to provide a patina of legitimacy. It amazes me that such actions do not cause doctors to lose their licenses.
I find this offensive. Last year, JPMorgan Chase made a deal with the Justice Department to pay the largest fine in history, $13 billion, blah, blah, blah. But the big deal is not the fine, because, hell, it’s JPMorgan Chase; the
Fleischmann worked under the manager for diligence who did not want any of his subordinates to send him email. He wanted everything done verbally, we assume because he didn’t want a paper trail that would lead to him after the bad securities the bank was approving blew up. Fleischmann and other subordinates did not approve many of the mortgages that were in the securities. This meant the securities could not be sold. So the subordinates were put under extreme pressure to okay bad loans.