The Facts About the Reagan Presidency

Tear Down This MythA more factual synopsis of the Reagan presidency might read like this: that Reagan was a transformative figure in American history, but his real revolution was one of public relations-meets-politics and not one of policy. He combined his small-town heartland upbringing with a skill for storytelling that was honed on the back lots of Hollywood into a personal narrative that resonated with a majority of voters, but only after it tapped into something darker, which was white middle-class resentment of 1960s unrest. His story arc did become more optimistic and peaked at just the right moment, when Americans were tired of the “malaise” of the Jimmy Carter years and wanted someone who promised to make the nation feel good about itself again. But his positive legacy as president today hangs on events that most historians say were to some great measure out of his control: an economic recovery that was inevitable, especially when world oil prices returned to normal levels, and an end to the Cold War that was more driven by internal events in the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe than Americans want to acknowledge. His 1981 tax cut was followed quickly by tax hikes that you rarely hear about, and Reagan’s real lasting achievement on that front was slashing marginal rates for the wealthy—even as rising payroll taxes socked the working class. His promise to shrink government was uttered so often that many acolytes believe it really happened, but in fact Reagan expanded the federal payroll, added a new cabinet post, and created a huge debt that ultimately tripped up his handpicked successor, George H W Bush. What he did shrink was government regulation and oversight, which critics have linked to a series of unfortunate events from the savings-and-loan crisis of the late 1980s to the subprime mortgage crisis of the late 2000s. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 helped paper over some less noble moments in foreign policy, from trading arms for Middle East hostages to an embarrassing retreat from his muddled engagement in Lebanon to unpopular adventurism in Center America. The Iran-Contra scandal that stemmed from those policies not only weakened Reagan’s presidency when it happened, but it arguably undermined the respect for future presidents for the Constitution because he essentially got away with it. Over the course of eight years, the president that some want to enshrine on Mount Rushmore rated just barely above average for modern presidents in public popularity. He left on a high note—but only after two years of shifting his policy back to the center, seeking peace with the Soviets rather than confrontation, reaching a balanced new tax deal with Democrats, and naming a moderate justice to the Supreme Court. It was not the Reaganism invoked by today’s conservatives.

—Will Bunch
Tear Down This Myth

Terry Eagleton’s Across the Pond

Across the PondI am a big fan of Terry Eagleton’s books, so I was quite excited to read his newest book, Across the Pond. It is subtitled, “An Englishman’s view of America.” It is a subject that he has a special expertise in, given that his wife and pretty much his children are Americans. So it should come as no surprise that he has a fondness for we colonists. But he’s also quite clear about our foibles. And he is very entertaining in talking about them.

The overriding attitude that Eagleton takes is that Britain is superior to America, but only because you can’t get a decent cut of tea in the latter. This sits rather well with me, because I feel very much out of place here in the land of coffee. Tea is my drink of choice, yet Starbucks seems determined to destroy any of the extremely poor teas they stock. Can an entire civilization be judged on its handling of tea? I think so and apparently so does Eagleton.

On a more serious level (Taking nothing away from tea!) he discusses how freedom works in the United States. Here, thanks to the First Amendment, we have more explicit freedoms. For example, I’ve written at least one book that would not be legal in the United Kingdom. But as a result of this greater explicit freedom, there is far more social pressure on people to behave. Now libertarians and the like would claim this is a good thing because it isn’t the government telling you what to do. This is something I’ve never understood: freedom is freedom. It doesn’t really matter how it comes about. If the masses are serfs because of the government or just because corporations have so much power, it hardly matters.

Eagleton distinguishes between this American “you have rights but you aren’t supposed to use them” and the more formally restricted English system. What it means is that Americans are for a kind of theoretical freedom, where the British are for practical freedom:

The British dislike authority not because they are opposed to the state on principle, but because they want to be left alone to breed pigeons or attend classes in flower arranging. They do not want to be free of regulation so that they can aspire, rise through the ranks or accumulate profit, but so that they can putter about as they please. They are not so much individualist as idiosyncratic. Their resentment of those in charge is less politically militant than passive aggressive. It is part the the “free-born Englishman” syndrome, which is less strident and self-conscious than the “free American” complex.

I doubt that many people would disagree with this contrast. And this does get to perhaps my biggest problem with America: the greatest good is money. That’s such a thin notion of good. After all, regardless of what we do in life, the best we can hope for is that at the age of 95, we are able to putter around the garden. But the issue is bigger than that. It isn’t that money isn’t a perfectly fine obsession. It is that in America, money is considered the only acceptable obsession.

This gets at the very central characteristic of modern American politics. The great political divide is between idealism and realism. The problem with this is that now this divide exists almost entirely along partisan lines. The Republicans have an ideology and are not at all interested in the practical consequences of it. The Democrats have no ideology and are only interested in the practical consequences of policy. This is a terrible state of affairs. It leads to conservatism that is immune to facts and liberalism that is rudderless. It also leads to two political parties that effectively speak different languages. The result of this is that the Democrats have been pulled inexorably to the ideological edge along with the Republicans, skewing our politics far to the right of what the vast majority of Americans actually want.

Eagleton gets at this problem:

Whereas Jesus multiplied loaves and fishes, the United States multiplies options. No restaurant in Britain would ask you how you liked your fried eggs, any more than they would ask you what exotic national costume you would like your waiter to be dressed in. Choice in the States is a paramount value. “I’ve made my choices” is a common American phrase, meaning among other things that one is the author of one’s own existence rather than ignominiously shaped by circumstance. Life is a self-authoring narrative in which, unlike Oedipus or Anna Karenina, you get to decide what happens to you. It is therefore all the more surprising that there is so little political choice in the country. In fact, the United States is a one-party state. There is the Democratic capitalist party and the Republican capitalist party. The diversity of political options hardly rivals the variety of candy bars.

Put another way: America is a fraud. We are a country where everyone can have their eggs prepared just the way they like them but who have no real choice when it comes to important things like who is going to make your laws or who is going to determine whether you can pay your bills.

I should be clear, though. This is my take on the issues that Eagleton discusses. He is much more positive about it. And he is also well aware that there are many Yankees like me who find life in America an uncomfortable experience. In “The Outgoing Spirit” chapter, he applies Milan Kundera’s idea of the angelic and demonic views of the world:

The opposite of the angelic for Kundera, predictably enough, is the demonic, by which he means the language of the cynical and nihilistic, one with too little meaning rather than (like the angelic) one stuffed with sonorous cliches. There is enough demonic discourse in the States to suit anyone’s taste, but the fact remains that the official rhetoric of the country (which, on should stress, is far from the discourse of everyday life) is too pious, elevated, hand-on-heart and histrionic for us jaded Europeans. A dash of the demonic would do it no harm. The demonic can be found in the edgy, abrasive, sardonic speech of New York Jews, which is much closer to the Irish than it is to the Midwest. When they hear angelic American speech—”this great country of ours,” “let freedom ring forth,” and the like—most Europeans simply stare at their shoes and wait for it to stop, as some people do whenever Schoenberg comes on the radio. Many Americans, to be fair, find this kind of language just as excruciating.

And that should give you a good idea of where Eagleton is coming from. Just the same, as I read Across the Pond, I was struck by just how much of a real American I am. Despite myself, I really do have a “can do” attitude. And I am rather more positive than I would like to be. And in his conclusion to the book, I think he sums up both America and me, though I do wish he were wrong:

The good news about the citizens of this kindly, violent, bigoted, generous-spirited nation is that if ever the planet is plunged into nuclear war, they will be the first to crawl over the edge of the crater, dust themselves down, and proceed to build a new world. The bad news is that they will probably have started the war.

Terry Engleton certainly does understand America!

Clear Eyed Niccolo Machiavelli

Niccolo MachiavelliOn this day in 1469, the great political philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli was born. I’ve been amazed over a very long time that a lot of people seem to be under the impression that he was some kind of bad guy like Vlad the Impaler. I’ve always found The Prince to be the work of a wise older man just explaining how the world works. We tend to think of the recent history of the British monarchy where power (such as it is) flows peacefully from father to son. But in Machiavelli’s time, a monarch was much more likely to be someone who stole the throne. It is the first important contribution to realpolitik.

There is most likely another side to The Prince. Machiavelli was an important government official in the Florentine republic up into his forties. Even though he had much success after that (most notably as a comedic playwright), he saw those earlier times as the best of his life. The Prince was likely intended as an implicit argument in favor of republicanism. So maybe it is all of us who are the cynical ones and to him it was obvious that he was lampooning the monarchy by showing the best case for the latter.

What Machiavelli brings to my mind is the duty of citizenship. Here in America, we mostly think our republic is something that we are entitled to. It simply is and we get the benefits of it. But that’s not true. It is something we constantly have to fight for. And if we don’t, it will devolve into an oligarchy, as it pretty much has. As Chris Hedges discussed in Death of the Liberal Class, it used to be that the upper classes (minus the rich) paid for their privilege by managing the state and not letting the oligarchs take over. But they have really fallen down on the job and now have almost no more power than the lower classes. Now our only hope is that all the citizens will bind together and use their democratic power, although even if that happened (doubtful), I’m not sure the oligarchs would allow it. Things haven’t changed much since Machiavelli was writing. He sees America today as clearly as he saw Medici Florence then.

Happy birthday Niccolo Machiavelli!

Google Translate Auto-Detect Sucks!

TranslateI am hopelessly mono-language. But I find I am constantly dealing with other languages, so I always have my Latin, Spanish, and French dictionaries close by. And, of course, I use Google Translate because it is one of the very greatest things about the internet. Often, it is so good that I don’t even have to use the books. About the only time it isn’t enough is when I’m translating very old Spanish or French, which is more common than you might think.

But I am constantly amazed at just how terrible Google Translate is at detecting languages. It basically never gets it right. I understand that it has a lot of languages, and if I entered large chunks of text, it would doubtless do a better job. But it really is pathetic.

I took a little bit of Horce’s famous Ode iii.2, “solvat phaselon; saepe Diespiter.” I don’t think you have to be a genius to realize that this is Latin. But what did Google Translate think it was? Afrikaans. Really. And not only that! It translated it into English as, “solvat phaselon; saepe Diespiter.” That is to say: it didn’t recognize a single word as Afrikaans, but it still said it was an Afrikaans phrase. If I go in and manually select “Latin,” it translates the phrase correctly, “pay to the boat; often Jupiter.”

Now if we put that English phrase into Google Translate and ask it to translate into Afrikaans, we get, “skenk aan die boot; dikwels Jupiter.” If you are really drunk and you squint really hard, that kind of looks like the original Latin. So I’m willing to admit that the Google Translate auto-detection is as good as a drunk squinter.

The system is just as bad with obvious phrases. Put in “cri de coeur” and Google announces, “Romanian.” And again, it translates it into English as, “cri de coeur”! But this time the English, “cry of heart” gets translated into Romanian as, “strigăt de inimă.” That doesn’t look anything like it, although it does have the same “de,” so there’s that.

I suspect what is really going on is that the program to do auto-detect just doesn’t work very hard. But you would think that for default English speakers, it would try French and German first. I get that Latin might be the last thing it checks. But not getting “cri de coeur” is really amazing.

Winning at Rock, Paper, Scissors

Rock-Paper-ScissorsI like to think that I don’t lose perspective on things. Despite my rants and ravings, I know what is important and what is not. And yesterday, a really important article flashed across my screen. It was by Joseph Stromberg over at Vox, How to Use Science to Win at Rock-Paper-Scissors. You may be one of those ignorant people who think that the game is random. But I know from years of experience that people are very poor random rock-paper-scissors generators. Bad players (which in practice means most players) repeat the same kinds of patterns over and over again.

There was one bit of news in the article that blew me away: there is an official league for rock-paper-scissors competitors. It is called the US Association of Rock, Paper, Scissors. I’m sure that these people would crush me like a pair of scissors. After all, I don’t take this stuff any more seriously than I do any of the hundreds of other odd fascinations I suffer from. And clearly, these are very serious people because some of them have actually systematized the game.

The only absolute rule that I knew, was the first one they mentioned: throw paper first. Actually, they say that you should throw paper first against guys. This is because guys tend to subconsciously think that nothing is as strong as the rock. This is not my thinking at all. Rock is the default throw. The first time that people go, they are kind of disoriented. There’s the whole counting thing (1-2-3…) and then you have to change the shape of your hand. It isn’t natural. So a lot of people panic and do nothing, which is the same as throwing rock.

The second rule is quite clever, although they do a bad job of explaining it. The essence of this rule is that people predict the future by looking at the past—but it works differently for winners and losers.If they just lost to rock, they will assume (without knowing it) that they are going to get rock again; so they throw paper. But if they just won with rock, they will go with it again because they assume their opponent will throw the same thing. So if you just lost to rock, throw paper; if you just won with rock, through scissors. And when you win, laugh maniacally. (Of course, if you both do this, the last winner will win again.)

The third rule is a classic from statistics. If you toss a quarter a hundred times, there is a very good chance that it will come up heads six times in a row. People’s ideas about randomness do not brook much actual randomness. The truth is that three heads in a row will happen one out of eight times when you toss a coin three times. So it isn’t surprising that most people won’t, for example, throw scissors three times in a row. So if you opponent has thrown scissors twice, they are very unlikely to throw scissors a third time.

The article provides a fourth rule, but I think it’s a pass: close your eyes. This is based upon one study, so make of it what you will. There is a related issue, however: decide what you are going to throw before you start! Not doing that is what makes most players bad.

Of course, all of these rules will only improve your chances. I haven’t been able to find any competition results, but I assume that players aren’t doing more than a couple percent better than others. So if anyone wants to do a rock-paper-scissors with you to decide something, make sure you make it the best out of a hundred.

Afterword

There are many freaks like me. That is why some people developed the game rock-paper-scissors-lizard-Spock. It has more interesting rules like, “Scissors decapitate lizard” and, “Paper disproves Spock.”

Why Benghazi Still Rocks Conservatives

Fox Not NewsAs I’ve mentioned before, The Progressive has a feature called, “No Comment.” In it, they put quotes that need no comment. For example, take almost anything from what Bundy has recent said and nothing really needs to be added. Media Matters flagged just such an example today, Fox Promises To Ignore Obama’s Press Conference Unless Someone Asks About Benghazi. In the following video, Fox News was covering the president’s news conference which he was doing with German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Fox cut away, claiming that the next question was from a German reporter so they knew it wouldn’t be about, “Benghazi! Benghazi! Benghazi!”

Of course, I’m not a “no comment” kind of guy, so I will have a few things to say after the video:

This all follows from the announcement this morning that John Boehner will form a select committee on Benghazi. This, in turn, was a response to the “shocking” revelations that the White House was concerned about how the Benghazi attacks might hurt Obama’s re-election bid. This is right up there with the shocking revelation that politicians try to impress potential voters. As John Dickerson noted, there is every indication that at that time the White House actually believed the story they were pushing.

But David Weigel really gets to the heart of the matter, The Umpteenth Guide to the Impenetrable Benghazi Outrage. He goes through all the history and the supposed smoking gun email from speechwriter Ben Rhodes, and sums up:

Are you lost yet? OK—the entire argument is about Rhodes mentioning, hours after the CIA had suggested the Benghazi attack grew out of demonstrations in several countries, that the immediate inspiration for the demonstrations was a video. That’s the scandal—that by giving the video all this credit, the administration was distracting people from the real story that terrorism was surging again. Even though the subsequent 19 months have seen no more attacks on embassies. Even though reporting at the time said the excuse for the protests was said video.

So let’s boil that down further: according to the Republicans, the scandal is that the White House tried to distract attention from something that wasn’t happening. This is what is so aggravating about conservative media. It doesn’t matter what a Democratic administration does: the conservatives are going to scream scandal. If the administration really was sandal ridden, the right wingers would have moved on to something else—something meatier. I’m getting the same impression I got during the Clinton years (when I was a libertarian and not inclined to side with the Democrats), “If this is the best they can come up with, this must be a squeaky clean White House.”

In the end, this will come to nothing. But no one will admit it. And no one will ever tell the Republican base. So just like some conservatives still think Hillary Clinton killed Vince Foster, in twenty years some will think there was something to “Benghazi! Benghazi! Benghazi!” Even if they won’t be able to tell you what it was.[1]

The next time you wonder why it is that Republicans believe such crazy things, all you have to do is return to this one and a half minute video. People don’t switch over to Fox News because they are looking for coverage of Benghazi. They are already on Fox News because they flatter themselves that it really is “fair and balanced” (or at least “news”) and that they will get coverage that doesn’t upset their prejudices. But it is Fox News that decides that they are going to be outraged about Benghazi. Note that Weigel wasn’t saying that the Benghazi story was impenetrable; he was saying that the outrage was impenetrable. Indeed it is. But it is completely understandable.


[1] Actually, I think I have a plot for a film. Hillary Clinton actually used voodoo to force Vince Foster to kill himself. Now she has reanimated his body and sends it out to kill her enemies. She had long had an affair with Christopher Stevens, before he left her, announcing that he was gay and running off with Bill. So she sent Vince Foster to Benghazi to kill him. I see a series of films, collectively known as, “Vince Foster: Zombie Assassin.” It’s a winner!

Elegant Racism

Ta-Nehisi CoatesTa-Nehisi Coates wrote a great article yesterday at The Atlantic, This Town Needs a Better Class of Racist. In it, he looks at an issue that has long bugged me: how we ignore implicit racist that has huge social costs and freak out about explicit racism that while vile is largely impotent.

He noted, “Cliven Bundy looks, and sounds, much like what white people take racism to be… The problem with Cliven Bundy isn’t that he is a racist but that he is an oafish racist.” As I wrote last month, “Take away the [explicit] racism and the idea that slavery was just great and you are left with Paul Ryan’s hammock argument.” Yet when I say that Ryan’s policies are racist, I get ridiculed. Apparently, we aren’t supposed to talk about racism unless it is of the most obvious variety. As Coates wrote, Cliven Bundy “does not so much use the word ‘Negro’ — which would be bad enough — but ‘nigra,’ in the manner of villain from Mississippi Burning or A Time to Kill.”

Coates defines what we should be fighting as “elegant racism,” which is “invisible, supple, and enduring.” And the example of the hour comes to us from Donald Sterling because in public, he is one of its great practitioners. He refers to Bomani Jones who has been complaining about Sterling’s racism since at least 2006 when Sterling was sued by the Department of Justice on Monday for housing discrimination. Sterling was later fined $2.7 million for his behavior. In the following radio interview, Jones commented about the reason we freak out about these comments and not about his rental policies, “This is the only opportunity that a lot of people out here will have that they feel comfortable within their souls and within their psyches to stand against racism. Because it is so easy to do it on this right here and it’s so scandalous.”

But Coates took it deeper. The sin is not racism but making white people feel bad about racism. When Paul Ryan talks about lazy inner city youths, there is plausible deniability. We can say, “Sure, he means black inner city youths, but there are white inner city youths as well.” But when someone uses the n-word or says that blacks don’t have a good family life because they aren’t picking cotton as slaves, there is no denying the racism.

This is a pretty typical problem with conservatives: seeing the problems of the past but not the problems of the present. But Coates is right: this is largely a liberal problem. (Sadly, the conservatives are mostly not even this evolved on the issue of racism.) He argued that we see race as a thing, when it is actually not. Racism is a thing, and the idea of race is born from that. I think that is fundamentally correct. But more uncomfortably, he’s right that this is the way I think about such issues. I’m going to have to give it much more thought.

Coates ended the article with an observation that is so obvious that no one else seems to have thought of it:

A racism that invites the bipartisan condemnation of Barack Obama and Mitch McConnell must necessarily be minor. A racism that invites the condemnation of Sean Hannity can’t be much of a threat. But a racism, condemnable by all civilized people, must make itself manifest now and again so that we may celebrate how far we have come. Meanwhile racism, elegant, lovely, monstrous, carries on.

Tragic and Wonderful Lorenz Hart

Rodgers and HartOn this day in 1895, the great lyricist Lorenz Hart was born. I can safely say that he is my favorite lyricist. He wrote very clever and complex and playful lyrics. For example, in “Manhattan,” he wrote, “The city’s clamor can never spoil; the dreams of a boy and goil.” Throughout the rest of the song, he rhymes with “boy,” so that reversal really works. Of course, this kind of stuff doesn’t exactly distinguish him from Cole Porter. But Hart’s work is wedded to a sadly romantic view of the world that devastates me as much today as ever.

Hart was a tragic figure. It’s well known that he was gay and an alcoholic. But according to Stephen Holden, he was also very short and considered himself ugly and unlovable. He was so unstable in his life that Richard Rodgers would generally write the music for shows first and then trap Hart in a room and force him to write the lyrics. I’ve always thought this is why his music from this period was better than his work with Hammerstein, although I understand that most people don’t feel that way. Regardless, Rodgers was the great technician and Hart the tortured artist.

Still, despite all his drinking, he still managed to outlive F Scott Fitzgerald by four years. And when he died, it was from exposure, not liver failure. (Admittedly, the exposure came about because he was drunk.) But I don’t know what would have happened to him had he lived. Rodgers had given up on him. But I’d like to think he would have made peace with his demons and gone on to be happy and productive. Or at least happy.

There are two people who I think have done the most with the Rodgers & Hart songbook: Frank Sinatra and Ella Fitzgerald. So let’s listen to Sinatra do “I Could Write a Book” from Pal Joey:

And here is Fitzgerald doing “Dancing On The Ceiling”:

Happy birthday Lorenz Hart!

Afterword

As great as they are, I’m not much of either of the following singers, but this is just too wonderful not to share. Tony Bennett and Lady Gaga do “The Lady is a Tramp,” even using Sinatra’s old “chick” variation:

Things I Now Notice About Rockford Files

The Rockford FilesI’ve been revisiting one of my favorite television shows from my youth: The Rockford Files. It is really nice when childhood obsessions turn out to be as good as you remember and that is definitely true of this show. In fact, it is a lot more complex than I was aware of at the time. Some things that were just distractions in my youth resonate very much. Like Rockford’s often questionable finances. Look where he lives: in a trailer on a beach parking lot. That’s where a surf bum would live. Yet I find it all incredibly believable. And it would be more so today.

Another aspect of the show that I appreciate much more now is Rockford’s prison friend Angel. Just like with the White Russian Marya in Hogan’s Heroes, I now think he is one of the best things about the show. Angel’s combination of cowardice and untrustworthiness not only make him an excellent element to spice up or propel plots, but he’s also really likable despite himself. The fact that his machinations always backfire makes him ultimately harmless. And since he is so predictable, Rockford can often use him to good ends despite Angel’s intentions.

But the biggest thing that I appreciate now is the portrayal of old people in the show. At the time, I remember a lot of groups that represented the elderly had nothing but praise for the show—especially concerning the portrayal of Rockford’s father, Rocky. I never especially got that. I saw that Rocky was a well developed and positive character, but I didn’t especially see how it was different from other shows. Now it’s clear. But I largely think it is incidental. The writers of the show (some of the best television writer ever) worked hard to create real characters, and Rocky just happens to be one of them.

After a while, though, I think the producers decided to go with it. In the fourth season, they produced an episode that dealt extensively with the issue of the value of the elderly in society, “The Attractive Nuisance.” Written by series co-creator Stephen J Cannell, the story revolves around a diner for truckers that Rocky has opened up with a new friend, Vince Whitehead. But it turns out that Vince is actually a small time mob boss, Vince Cappobianco, who is kind of undercover. Meanwhile, there is retired FBI agent Eddie LaSalle, who is trying to bring down Vince. And in the end, with Rockford’s help he does.

It isn’t a great episode, but the ending was amazing. Rockford’s difficult life continues on, but then it shows the three older men in succession. Eddie is in what looks like the FBI lunch room, with a bunch of young agents hanging on his every word while he explains how he brought Vince down. Vince is in prison talking to equally eager young inmates about how to launder money. And Rocky is at a truck stop explaining to some young truckers how to avoid brake problems. It was very sweet, especially coming from Cannell who was only 36 when he wrote it.

Is that kind of preachy? Yes it is. That’s something else I notice now that I missed when I was younger. The show is often a bit preachy. But it is usually for a good cause. And sometimes it is prescient. The last episode of that season was “The House on Willis Avenue,” which deals with private companies setting up a system of data collection about private citizens. Today, the overwhelming response to this information is, “So? I have nothing to hide!” But in 1978, The Rockford Files was sounding the alarm. It really was one of the greatest television dramas ever, and it is still relevant.

Update (1 May 2014 8:25 pm)

For the record, when I talked about the great writing, I wasn’t talking about Stephen J Cannell. The real gem of the show was Juanita Bartlett. Cannell’s plots tend to be a bit weak and his dialog could use work. Not that he’s bad.

Short Clear Sentences Please!

Paul KrugmanI was planning on writing about something else, but this issue came up and I feel I must address it. It’s about writing. It is possible to write really long sentences that are both beautiful and clear. But unless we really know what we are doing, long sentences muddle reader understanding. And I believe this is because long sentences are simulacra of our spoken sentences.

This is a problem because a spoken sentence has a huge amount of extra information in it that allows the listener to understand. And even then, I’ve never found it easy to understand anything but the most simple stuff aurally. This is one reason why I think the lecturing model of teaching is ridiculous. But we’ll leave that for another time.

I found a really good example of what I’m talking about in a blog post by Paul Krugman, Hangups of the Heterodox. Try not to get hung up in the jargon:

There’s a long if bizarre tradition among some left-leaning economists that sees the notion that factors of production are paid their marginal products—or even that this is a useful first cut when thinking about the factor distribution of income—as somehow implying an acceptance of the moral right of capitalists to keep their spoils.

That’s 56 words by my count. And that alone doesn’t doom it. But the structure of the sentence is madness: “There is [insert very long ancillary exposition] acceptance of something.” I like Krugman and think he is a good writer. This is just from a blog post, and I put up crap all the time myself. So this isn’t an attack on him. Plus, since people like me look forward to reading his thoughts on matters economic, he can depend upon readers taking the time to parse him.

But his sentence really should be broken down into smaller segments to lead the reader along. I think three sentences ought to do it:

Among some left-leaning economists, there’s a long if bizarre tradition. They don’t like the notion that factors of production are paid their marginal products—or even that this is a useful first cut when thinking about the factor distribution of income. They think this somehow implies an acceptance of the moral right of capitalists to keep their spoils.

Of course, this could be a single sentence, simply with colons connecting these sentences. And it would be three words longer! But what I’ve done is separate the ideas: (1) people think weird thing; (2) what they think; (3) why they think it. Instead we are left with this structure that gives lots of details without any idea of where we are going.

Consider, “He had what many said was red—but others claimed was purple—and made of the finest wood, and he used it all kinds of cold weather to hit small black, although they were sometimes grey, disks that many called pucks, and the ‘it’ that I referred to that he was using and had was a hockey stick.” Extreme, but not far off. “He had a hockey stick. Many said it was red but others said it was purple. It was made of the finest wood. And oh how he would use it in the coldest of weather to hit black and even grey disks many called pucks.”

Not very artistic, you say? I know! And if this were poetry, you’d have a point. But even in a novel, clarity trumps all. Nonfiction and fiction share a purpose: to tell a story. If the reader gets hung up parsing what you’ve written, you’ve failed. As it is, I didn’t finish Krugman’s article. But I will now!

May Day and the Working Class

8 Hour Work Day

It is May Day: the original Labor Day. In fact, it still is International Workers’ Day. It is the day that we celebrate the the working class. Is it any wonder that in America we are anywhere from a bit queasy to hysterically fearful of the term “working class”? Generally, people say this is because Americans don’t think in terms of class. Or as conservatives like to say: the poor are just the future rich. These are nice thoughts and talking points, but I’m afraid that the truth is darker and simpler: the American ethos so devalues work that it is thought to be a terrible thing to be part of the working class as a final destination.

Thus we get the fetishization of the middle class. Because in the United States the middle class is no class. Ask a rich person what class they are in and they will usually say, “Middle class,” but sometimes say, “Upper-middle class.” I remember reading an interview with Bill Gates when he was by far the richest man in the world. He was asked, “Do you consider yourself rich?” And as I recall, he responded, “Well, I’m certainly not middle class.” This was just before he built his $63 million mansion with change he found under the sofa cushions. It used to be the poor would claim they were “lower-middle class,” but times are so bad they (We!) seem to have given up the pretense.

But by not embracing the working class that the vast majority of us are in, we yield a great deal of ideological ground. It has allowed us to go on an almost four decade long adventure to take from the poor and give to the rich. And it doesn’t seem like there is any end in sight. The “liberal” party wants to slightly raise the minimum wage and tax the rich just a tiny bit more. The conservative party wants to abolish the minimum wage and eliminate any form of progressive taxation. This is why things are so screwed up in America: the framing of our thinking is completely skewed.

Here’s an example. A year and a half ago on Labor Day, Eric Cantor tweeted this out:

I have no problem with starting a business. I am involved with three right now that I’m part owner of. But Cantor isn’t really celebrating that. He’s pushing the idea that somehow starting your own business is more valid. And not just that: starting your own successful business. The truth is that the working class is filled with people who have previously had or currently do have their own businesses—successful and not. But Cantor isn’t celebrating them. Actually, he’s not celebrating anyone really. He’s just trying to co-opt the only official recognition we have in this country of the existence of the working class. He is trying to insult the entire working class without being obvious about it.

I think that May Day is a good day to think about our places in the world as workers. I think most of us are dissatisfied with our positions. Part of that—a large part—is the pay and working conditions. But there is also a substantial part that is simply that our society doesn’t seem to value what we do. One of our parties gives us an insincere tip of the hat and the other party can barely stop from disemboweling us. But stay strong, because we do matter. They would be lost without us. And at some point they may learn that.

Happy May Day!

Are Gun Rights More Successful Than Other Conservative Causes?

David FrumDavid Frum tries to answer an interesting question, Why Gun-Rights Backers Win While Other Conservative Causes Lose. He mentions a very things but basically he comes down to the idea that gun rights are basically the only conservative issue that is populist in the sense of not explicitly helping the rich.[1] I think there’s much to that. And I think this is something that the Democratic Party ought to take note of.

The truth is for the white male contingent that make up the hardcore gun rights folk, the Democrats don’t offer anything that they can get excited about. Democratic social policy doesn’t appeal to them because, being white and male and straight, they are not a minority, even if they whine about “white racism.” And Democratic economic policy is only “not quite as bad as the Republicans!” Republicans offer then not only gun rights but the idea that their issue is important. They aren’t just a bunch of yahoos with guns, they are the modern equivalent of George Washington!

There is perhaps an even more important issue related to the way the Republicans pander to this small and rapidly shrinking slice of the American electorate. The Republican Party is dependent upon a couple of coalitions: single issue voters like the people in the anti-choice movement. By and large, these people are not well served by Republican policy in any other area. So this means that even though the gun-nut coalition may only be 5% of the electorate, the Republican Party desperately needs it. Losing it to the Democrats would be as devastating as losing the much larger anti-choice vote; both would result in the Republicans becoming a permanent minority party.

Of course, it is not even true that “other conservative causes lose.” The conservative movement has been extremely successful in getting what it wants. In the last thirty years, the top marginal tax rate has been cut in half. Abortion rights have been chipped away and in many places effectively eliminated. Welfare has effectively been destroyed. The list goes on and on. But the greatest sign of just how much success conservatives have had is shown by the fact that they think anything less than total victory means that they lost.

And a good example of this is found with the hardcore gun community. Notice how the militia movement only becomes highly visible and noisy when a Democrat is in the White House. Now part of this is the media. When a Republican is in the White House, liberal media organizations do not promote their most extreme members the way conservatives do when a Democrat is president. But it’s also the case that there is a qualitative difference in the rhetoric of the crazies. Armageddon is not just around the corner when a Republican is in the White House.

The question Frum is really trying to answer is why gun rights advocates are so much more successful than other conservative causes. But it may be a mirage. The truth is that we don’t constantly have the Republicans’ success in cutting food stamps thrown onto the nightly news, “Three children were killed today because of lack of food.” But every few days there is some guy with a gun who goes around killing multiple people. Every day (Every hour!) someone is murdered with a gun. So it constantly reminds us, “Conservatives are winning.” And that just isn’t so obvious on other issue, even when the Republicans manage to eliminate the Estate Tax altogether.


[1] Abortion rights is an economic issue. But then, gun rights is too. The NRA is not so much about the rights of individuals to own guns but the rights of gun manufactures to sell them guns.