Fuck Monsanto! The Kids Are Alright!

Monsanto Car

On my way out of Armstrong Redwoods State Natural Reserve last week, I came upon this car. And I knew I had to get a picture of it. I agree with the sentiment, but that isn’t the reason I was photographing it. I have a great interest in people who are ostentatious about their political beliefs. As you must know, I have extremely strong political opinions. Yet I would not generally put a bumper sticker on my car. It strikes me as being provocative for no good reason. I’m not the greatest driver so I don’t need to give people more reasons to hate me. But even if I see someone with 15 Tea Party bumper stickers all over his car, I’m impressed; we might disagree about everything in particular, but we at least believe in taking a strong stand.

Just after I took the picture above, a man came out of an RV that was parked across from the car. He said, “Yeah, that’s a great thing for my kids to see.” He seemed to think that I was photographing it because I was offended. Truly, until he said that, I had not even noticed that “Fuck Monsanto” was printed various times on the car. I smiled at the man and walked away. But I was no longer thinking about Monsanto!

A lot of people I like very much have the same belief that the RV man had: the rest of the world should be looking out for their kids. I don’t accept this—at least not in the way they mean it. Understand: I have a fondness for kids that I think is a lot more respectful than that of most adults. I interact with kids as though they are equals. And that means that I don’t try to hide uncomfortable parts of life from them: death, sex, or naughty words. In my experience, if you answer these kinds of questions honestly, children will honestly find that they aren’t that interested and move on to another subject.

The problem with coarse language comes up because, as much as I try not to, they sometimes slip out. But the situation usually goes like this. I throw in an unintended “fuck” into the middle of a sentence. The parent suddenly stiffens as though I just accidentally revealed that his beloved mother was dead. And as a result, the child who was blissfully unaware of what I said starts looking around eagerly, “What did I miss?!” Because the kid knows it must have been good or else daddy would not be freaking out.

But I do try because I have personal relationships with these people. I don’t at all understand why I should give a shit about the children of the RV guy. The truth is that I would never print a coarse word like “Fuck” on my car. It rude. But that’s my sense of social obligation. I’m sure the “Fuck Monsanto” guy feels that the issue he is highlighting is important enough to be provocative. But where did this guy in the RV get the idea that his right to keep naughty words out of his children’s vocabulary trumps everyone else’s rights?

In this country we have a distorted view of parental rights. There is this idea that no expense is too great if it is for our children. But they aren’t our children. They are their children. In addition, their children already know those words. They even know how to spell them, “F U C K, tell her I’m fine.” I think I learned that in the second grade. What’s more, the whole idea of shielding kids is offensive. They are growing. They are learning. And Pete Townshend knew the truth: the kids are alright.

David Frum’s Five Essential Tasks

David FrumDavid Frum has announced that he going to discontinue his blog at The Daily Beast at least through the summer for personal reasons—among others, his father’s recent death from metastatic lung cancer. But in signing off, he presented “five essential tasks” that conservative reformers must commence before they can make progress.

There is a distinct cognitive dissonance in the article. He wrote, “As Ross Douthat has perceptively observed, the cause of conservative reform has gained increasing coherence and force since the 2012 election.” And that “every day in 2013 we seem to see a new green shoot emerging from once-frozen soil.” Given how fundamental these five essential tasks are, I can only see his claims of “coherence and force” and “green shoot emerging” as sugarcoating the very real problems that he sees not just with the conservative movement but with its would-be reformers.

His first task is most revealing:

There remain too many taboos and shibboleths even among the conservative reformers. If the only policy tool you allow yourself to use is tax credits, your reform agenda will sputter into ineffectuality. Conservative reformers need to do a better job of starting with the problem and working forward, not starting with the answer and working backward.

In the past, I’ve been extremely critical of David Frum—especially regarding just how “reasonable” he is. But this paragraph shows that at least in the abstract: he gets it. And what he is talking about here is the critical problem with conservatives in general and the reformers in particular. They never look at a problem and think, “What is the best solution?” A good example of this is the Heritage Foundation’s idea of the individual mandate, which is now codified in Obamacare. That was working backwards. First come the limits and then comes the policy solution. And what they came up with is a policy that is far more invasive and problematic for individuals than straight up government insurance would have been. No one would have come up with that solution if they didn’t start with the idea that the insurance and medical industries mustn’t lose any profits.

The argument against liberals that they want to throw money at every problem is not wholly without merit. And 40 years ago, it had a good deal more merit. But those ideas were in general straightforward efforts to solve problems. And often their ideas of throwing money at a problem cost far less than the conservative ideas. For example, it is cheaper to improve various forms of opportunity than it is to continue to build more and more prisons. What’s very clear is that the liberal approach to problems—especially coming from liberal reformers—is not working backwards.

This of course is the classic problem, “When the only tool you have is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail.” This is usually applied to foreign policy. But in terms of economic policy, it is not much of an exaggeration to say that every problem has become a justification for a tax cut. That’s how Romney’s big idea for economic growth was to give rich people more money. No one thinks the answer to the question of poor people is to make the rich richer. At least it isn’t if you are actually trying to answer the question. If you are trying to justify another tax break, it is another matter.

Frum’s second task is a bit of a muddle:

Conservative reformers are understandably allergic to arguments about income inequality. The conservative project at its best has worked to raise the floor beneath the American middle class, not to lower the ceiling upon the middle class. But one of the lessons I think conservatives should take from the 2012 Romney defeat is that the increasing concentration of wealth in America has dangerous political and intellectual consequences. I’m not so worried that the oligarchs will pay for apologetics on their behalf. That’s politics as usual. I’m more concerned that so many people will identify themselves with the interests of oligarchy without being paid, without even being conscious that this is what they are doing. The whole immigration debate, for example, is premised on the assumption that the only interests that matter are the interests of the employers of labor.

Most of this is entirely correct. But what is that about the conservative project at its best? Surely he is not talking about Eisenhower. Since the modern conservative movement gained power 35 years ago,[1] the floor beneath the American middle class has at best stayed the same. I’m curious how Frum justifies saying that the conservative movement has done anything but change the country from one where productivity growth was broadly shared to one where almost all, and in many cases even more than all went to the rich. When he says that he’s worried about people doing the bidding of the oligarchy without payment, does he mean that it is okay for him to do it because he is being paid?

Other than that bit of confusion, he is highlighting a huge problem in our society. But he’s only implying what it ought to mean to the would-be conservative reformers. I guess he is afraid to come right out and say that if we don’t deal with income inequality—And fast!—we won’t have a democracy to reform. But other than Bruce Bartlett, none of the reformers seems at all interested in this kind of stuff. In fact, they mostly think it is hippy nonsense that should be left to Occupy Wall Street.

Frum’s third task deals with climate change:

Conservative reformers must not absent themselves from the environmental debate. Humanity’s impact on the climate —and how to address that impact—is our world’s largest long-term challenge. If conservatives refuse to acknowledge that challenge, they only guarantee that the challenge will be addressed in ways that ignore conservative insights and values.

This is interesting, coming from a man who has long tried to claim the “reasonable” middle ground while in fact being a global warming denialist. And I’m unclear what those “conservative insights” might be. After all, the Democrats have accepted the great conservative idea of a carbon tax. And this caused—What a surprise!—the conservatives to claim that their own plan was “cap and tax” and that global warming isn’t happening anyway. As Frum himself wrote in 2009, “Everything important about global warming remains disputed”! (Note: the original article on CNN will not display, so you will have to accept the secondhand Get Energy Smart Now article.)

Next up is Frum’s fourth task where he seems clueless of his fellow conservative “reformers”:

Conservative reformers should make their peace with universal health coverage. It’s the law, and it won’t be repealed. Other countries have managed to control costs while covering everyone, and the US can too. A message of “protect Medicare, scrap Obamacare” reinforces the image of conservatism as nothing more than the class interest of the elderly.

The reformers, as I noted this morning, are offering universal health coverage. They are in the business of providing plausible-sounding schemes that will allow conservative politicians cover to just repeal Obamacare and replace it with nothing—or at least something much worse.

Frum’s final task is for conservative reformers to tone down the anti-Obama rhetoric and to push back on the scandal mania:

I appreciate that conservative reformers must pay lip-service to shibboleths about Barack Obama being the worst president of all time, who won’t rest until he has snuffed out the remains of constitutional liberty, etc. etc. Dissent too much from party orthodoxy, and you find yourself outside the party altogether. Still… conservative reformers should admit, if only to themselves, the harm that has been done by the politics of total war over the past five years. Now Republicans are working themselves into a frenzy that will paralyze Congress for the next 18 months at least, and could well lead to an impeachment crisis. As it becomes clear that the IRS story is an agency scandal, not a White House scandal, conservative reformers need to be ready to do their part to apply the brakes and turn the steering wheel. There will be a Republican president again someday, and that president will need American political institutions to work. Republicans also lose as those institutions degenerate.

That’s the one place where I think the supposed conservative reformers have been okay. They generally try to seem reasonable and so they don’t go to extremes about this kind of stuff. Just the same, late last year, Frum himself was (in his quiet but insistent way) pushing the Benghazi scandal.

That gets to another aspect of the conservative “reform” movement. I don’t think they care any less for the extreme policies of the Republican Party generally. But they are all smart and they are very much aware just how bad it looks when a Republican politician gets on television and screams about that Kenyan Socialist in the White House. Frum may well be right that the reform movement is coming along. But thus far, all we see are careful words in support of the same vile policies. I do hope that Frum’s time off will help to heal himself and the rest of his family. But I don’t know the man, so my wish is the same as it is for any fellow human being in his situation. But in a much more meaningful way, I hope that his time off allows him to rethink reform and get rid of the excessive amount of dissonance in his positions.


[1] Carter was actually the beginning of the conservative economic agenda. Yes, it was Reagan that really put it in gear. But the ideological movement started with Carter. See Winner-Take-All Politics.

Bernanke’s Hypocrisy for the Kids

Ben BernankeBen Bernanke went to Princeton to talk to the graduates. And he said some interesting things. He took on the notion of meritocracy. I thought he hedged way too much. For example, he said, “Putting aside the reality that no system, including our own, is really entirely meritocratic.” Did he really have to throw in “really entirely”? The gazelles on the savannas of Africa are a much better meritocracy than our country. The rich get to send their kids to better schools. The rich get to feed their children better. The rich get to provide better healthcare to their kids. The rich provide better social networks to their kids. Bernanke would have been more accurate to say, “We don’t even come close to being a meritocracy.”

From there he went on to the obvious point that seems to terrify most Americans: all people are not created equal. Some are smarter than others, prettier than others, stronger than others. I still don’t understand how a society can justify allowing people to live in abject poverty for the sin of being born slow witted or just in the wrong place. I do understand providing incentives for the more capable among us, but the level of inequality we except and even applaud is totally unacceptable. Conservatives especially, but not exclusively, really do think that brilliance (for example) is a sign of moral superiority. Bernanke said that how smart we are is just a matter of luck. That is an obvious point, but somehow shocking to most people.

One thing that Bernanke does not discuss are luck in traits that is just as obviously but even more repellent to most people. We normally esteem people like Bernanke not just for their brilliance but for all of their hard work. The problem is that the hard work (if it really was) is as built into Bernanke as his brilliance. To take another example: imagine you are trying to lose weight. If you stay on your diet, it doesn’t mean that you are morally superior to your friend who did not. The best you could say is that your will was greater than your temptation and his was not. You absolutely cannot say that your will was greater than his. We were all born with different crosses to bear.

Later in the speech, Bernanke provided a jaw-dropping moment. He said:

I think most of us would agree that people who have, say, little formal schooling but labor honestly and diligently to help feed, clothe, and educate their families are deserving of greater respect—and help, if necessary—than many people who are superficially more successful. They’re more fun to have a beer with, too.

Right away, I’m annoyed: the impulse to feed, clothe, and educate your family is commendable. And we should encourage it in our society. But that man who does not have such an impulse is just as much a prisoner of his brain and his environment as the good family man. I understand that most people are not as focused on issues of agency and free will as I am. What bothers me about this is how much Bernanke cares about this man—Even to the extent of blowing smoke about being more fun!—when Bernanke’s policies have been a great big “Fuck you!” to these kinds of men. Bernanke has accepted high unemployment while working to keep inflation excessively low. That’s doing the work of the rich at the expense of the “people who have, say, little formal schooling but labor honestly and diligently to help feed, clothe, and educate their families.”

I’ve noticed a lot of press recently trying to make Bernanke look good and relatable. I think it is all part of a PR campaign to assure his renomination as the chairman of the Federal Reserve. Not that it matter to me. Whoever might reasonably replace him would be cut of the same clothe. He or she would be dedicated, as Bernanke was been, to the status quo and making America as little like a meritocracy as possible.

No, Conservative Reformers Don’t Exist

Jonathan ChaitOver the weekend, Jonathan Chait wrote yet another article defending his new thesis, Yes, Conservative Reformers Exist. In this installment, he argued that the issue is one of tactics: some try to reform from the inside and some from the outside. This is missing the fundamental issue. Regardless of where the “reformer” is arguing from, if his policies don’t deviate from conservative orthodoxy, there is no reform. Any political party will have differences of opinion about core issues. For example, some Republicans believe in universal background checks for gun purchases. That isn’t a reform position, it’s just a more moderate position than that held by Ted Cruz.

What we have with the vast majority of Chait’s reformers are people who really do like what the Republicans stand for. Consider Avik Roy. He’s willing to make nice about Obamacare once in a while, but the moment he has the opportunity we spews lies and deceptions about the program. The truth is that he is just one of the storm troopers for the Republican Party. Whether that is just affinity bias or that Roy just doesn’t believe in universal health insurance, I can’t say. But there is no doubt that in the Republican Party, he always acts to strengthen the given policy, not to reform it or the party.

Most of Chait’s article centers on Ross Douthat and Reihan Salam. What I think he is missing is that these guys really like the modern Republican Party. It is not just their relationship to the party that is tactical; their relationship for is also tactical. They aren’t trying to make the party better, in the sense of having policies that are more in line with those that most of the nation accepts. Rather, they are trying to make the party more effective by making the policies sound more appealing.

The case of Douthat on Obamacare is instructive. Before Obama was in office, Douthat was all for the idea. But once it became a credible bill, Douthat turned on it. And now he has a new scheme:

A repeal or revision of Obamacare that aims to ease us toward a system of near-universal catastrophic health insurance, and includes some kind of flat tax credit or voucher explicitly designed for that purpose.

This is not a real plan; this is just an excuse to destroy Obamacare. Remember: the conservatives first embraced the Obamacare type plan only to stop the country from getting a single payer health insurance plan. Once Obamacare was on the table, they had nothing. All Douthat is doing is providing another plausible sounding alternative. If Obama embraced it, the conservatives (including the “reformers”) would suddenly find that it was an evil socialist plot to destroy our very way of life.

In a sense, the real reformers in the Republican Party are people like Ted Cruz and Rand Paul. They are the only ones I see who are really trying to push the party in major ways. Of course, most of those ways would lead further right, but still: they are real ideas.

The truth is that I don’t think there is any hope of the Republican Party reforming itself. The problem is the Democratic Party. By moving steadily to the right in terms of economic and foreign policy, it has given the Republicans nowhere to go except the proto-fascist crazy land where they now reside. The real question is how the Republican Party can move away from the far right when the Democratic Party is crowding its left flank. The Democrats can easily move to the left. And only by doing that will they provide the political room for the Republicans to stretch out.

One thing is certain: the Republican Party will not be saved by “reformers” like Douthat nibbling around the edges.

Hardy the Not So Obscure

Thomas HardyOn this day in 1740, Marquis de Sade was born. He was quite an interesting and twisted guy. He was clearly into torture and humiliation—the kind of thing that is associated with his name. On the other hand, he wasn’t a murderer, as many men who followed in his footsteps. He managed to spend almost half of his life in prison. In fact, if it had not been for the storming of the Bastille, he might well have been put to death. Although certainly not a man I would ever have wanted to be around, he did create some important works and lived a life that can’t be called banal.

The late Romantic-early Modern composer Edward Elgar was born in 1857. Composers who straddle musical periods are usually difficult for listeners and Elgar is definitely that. There is much romanticism to his music, especially in the layering of melodies. But the melodies themselves and the harmonic structure is distinctly modern if still entirely tonal. I appreciate it more than I enjoy it. In general, I prefer Prokofiev or Poulenc, but neither of them were the innovator that Elgar was. And some of Elgar’s music is great fun. For example, here is Yo-Yo Ma playing the second movement of the E-Minor Cello Concerto:

Another fine popular music composer Marvin Hamlisch was born in 1944. An awkward and nerdy man, I don’t think he ever got quite the respect he deserved. He is most known for his Broadway musicals. But I think he was one of the most inspired film composers ever. In particular, his scores for Bananas and The Sting really stand out. He also wrote the music for A Chorus Line, which alone would be enough for a lifetime, even if I think in the context of his career, he was slumming. And then he died much too young from things I would have thought doctors could have prevented. Sad, but here is the brilliant opening credits sequence to Bananas:

Actor Stacy Keach is 72 today. Columnist Frank Rich is 64. And public intellectual Cornel West is 60.

The day, however, belongs to the great novelist Thomas Hardy who was born on this day in 1840. He is probably best known for the novels Far from the Madding Crowd and Tess of the d’Urbervilles. But I am most fond of his last and most depressing novel Jude the Obscure. It’s interesting that as he got older, his novels got more depressing. Madding Crowd, of course, has a downright happy ending. In Tess and Jude, Hardy provides them enough of a glimpse of happiness to make their short lives all the more heartbreaking. But whereas Tess doesn’t relate quite so well today, Jude could be transformed to a modern American inner city without difficulty.

Interestingly, Hardy considered himself primarily a poet. He wrote almost no prose at all the last 30 years of his life. I’ve tried reading his poetry but I didn’t find it very compelling. But that’s not unusual. People very often don’t appreciate their true talents. And hardy gave us more than enough, even if it wasn’t exactly joy.

Happy birthday Thomas Hardy!

Ibragim and the Gun or Knife or Broom

Abdulbaki Todashev

This is Abdulbaki Todashev holding up a photograph that he alleges is his son Ibragim, who an FBI agent recently killed during an interrogation. Here in the United States we don’t generally believe that law enforcement officers take people into custody and kill them in cold blood. And indeed, in this case, the FBI claims that Ibragim attacked the agent. With a gun.

Or a knife.

Or maybe a samurai sword.

But more likely a metal rod.

No. A broomstick. That’s the ticket![1]

As Conor Friedersdorf reported in The Atlantic on Friday, all of these weapons have been reported. And look: I understand. We have yet to get an official statement on this case. What we might be seeing is nothing more than an unfortunate, very public game of telephone. Then again, maybe an FBI agent went on tilt and blew away this young man.

Other parts of the story are suspect. What we think we know is that Ibragim was writing down a confession. The agent looked away. Ibragim used the opportunity to flip the table over, causing the agent fall to the floor. Ibragim came toward him with a broomstick (or whatever), so the agent pulled his gun and shot him several times, knocking the young man back. But Ibragim got back up and came at the agent again who fired more times, killing him. Again: we don’t know.

But it looks bad. There are a couple of things. The whole matter of the kid getting back up after he was blown back smells fishy—especially after hours of questioning. What’s more, there was a Massachusetts State Police detective in the house who did not shoot his gun at all. Now, I can see how that could happen. But it smells fishy. And that brings us back to Abdulbaki Todashev’s photographs of his son. If they are real, how did Ibragim get shot though the top of his skull? This whole story smells worse than an unregulated Asian seafood market.

My guess at this point (and that’s all it is), is that Ibragim did come after the agent. And the agent freaked out. He totally lost it and killed the kid when a calmer person might have shot the kid, but wouldn’t have unloaded on him. At this time (and I’m very eager to know more), it seems unlikely that the agent killed Ibragim without any cause. But on the other side, this just doesn’t look justified. Time will tell.


[1] Some broomsticks are metal rods, so it could be both. However, a wooden broomstick is actually a better weapon; the metal kind are flimsy.

War on Terror With No Name

Terry AdamsTerry Adams wrote a really good overview of the Glenn Greenwald-Andrew Sullivan debate about the definition of terrorism, Aren’t Religion and Politics Both to Blame for War on Terror? Although he tries to be scrupulously fair, I’m afraid he comes down pretty far on the Greenwald side.

This reminds me very much of the left-right economic debate in this country. On the left, we say that economic stimulus is not often that effective in helping the economy. Basically, it is only useful when the economy is in a liquidity trap and that’s only happened twice in the last century: first during the Great Depression and second now. This is not a radical theory. But on the right, the argument is rigid and extreme: stimulus never works. In this case, you have one side (the left’s) that is simply the consensus view that pretty much everyone who isn’t a ideologically dogmatic to the conservative cause agrees with. People who try to split the difference are just showing their ignorance.

In this terrorism debate we get much the same thing. On the left, we say that American foreign policy is a large part of cause of terrorism. When we bomb innocent civilians (accidental though it may be), we create enemies and make the people far more receptive to radical ideologies like martyrdom and jihad. This isn’t to excuse the behavior or to say that this is the sole cause. Just as with the economic stimulus example, this is a nuanced position. On the right, we get Andrew Sullivan screaming that any notion of causation in terrorism is a form of apologia. And what’s more that there is something special about Islam that makes it a violent religion.

I think what lies beneath this fight is really the ideology of what we wish to do. Greenwald and I would like to see the United States stop propping up dictators and trying to bomb our way to victory in the War on Terror With No Name. On the right they would like to see American hegemony throughout the Middle East. I’m sure that we on the left could be somewhat clearer about our aims. But on the right, I’m not even sure they are honest with themselves. Instead of admitting to their imperialistic goals, they claim that terrorism represents some kind of existential threat to the country. But as bad as 9/11 was, it was not an existential threat. And it is by far the worst we’ve seen.

The American people should be offered a clear and honest alternative. Do we want to be an imperialistic meddler all over the world? This has the upside that our corporations have great access to cheap resources and labor. And the people get the benefit of slightly cheaper prices. But the down side is that the War on Terror With No Name goes on forever while the threat only increases. Or do we want to be more modest in our conception of our national interests? This has the upside that it will cause fewer American and foreign deaths. But the downside is that corporate profits will be slightly lower and manufactured goods will be slightly more expensive.

I think that Americans are at heart a “live and let live” kind of people. I think that they would be horrified to get a good look at what our government does on our behalf. But maybe I’m wrong. The only way we can know is if the media start telling the truth. And the first step in that endeavor is to get rid of narrative that terrorism is an existential threat to the country and that the War on Terror With No Name is not about keeping America safe.

Reform Social Security App

Poor Family by Dorothea Lange

The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) is not one of my favorite groups. But they are a smart and reasonably honest group. They’ve created an interactive tool that allows the user to change the benefits and revenues for Social Security. It is way cool and a whole lot of fun. But it is also Chicken Little style propaganda.

When you start the app, the title reads, “Social Security remains insolvent. The trust fund will run out in 2033 at which point all beneficiaries will face a sudden 23% benefit cut.” As regular readers ought to know, Social Security is not a big problem.

What they’ve written there is true, but it could be put in a more neutral way, “Social Security will be able to pay full benefits for the next 20 years; at that time, it will only be able to pay 77% of the benefit level at that time; we usually overstate the problem.”

Using the App

Overall, the app is really great. But even without playing with it, it provides a lot of useful information. For example, how much of the shortfall would Chained-CPI eliminate? Only 21%. And if we provide a fix for retirees who live a long time, this number drops to 16%. The app also allows you to increase benefits. I would prefer to have more flexibility than the program allows, but it is still pretty useful.

Reduce Benefits

On the benefit side, the app allows you to slow the growth at which initial benefit is calculated. Unless you apply this to half or more of retirees, this saves almost nothing. For example, if you apply it to only the upper class (top 20% of earners), it saves 3%. I’m not for reducing benefits regardless.

Social Security is actually a pretty stingy program as it is. You can also increase the retirement age. I really don’t understand the mentality of people who call for this. It seems like a way for people in pleasant high paying jobs who don’t ever want to retire to make people in back-breaking jobs do the same. Bad idea.

And as I said, you can apply Chained-CPI. I went with increasing benefits by using the CPI-E that better reflects the cost of living increases experienced by older Americans. That cost me 15%.

There are a couple of Disability reforms proposed. Two of them are pretty stupid: put further limits on the program (saves 4%) and force people out of disability at 62 (saves 5%). I did go along with 5% savings from reductions in fraud and over-payment. But I immediately lost the 5% by providing a guaranteed minimum benefit of 125% of the poverty level. You could also offer an old-age bump, but that only makes sense if you are doing Chained-CPI. And you could restore college benefits for kids up to the age of 22. I don’t think that’s a bad idea, but I didn’t do it.

There are three other benefit reductions. It’s shocking but 12% can be saved by basing the initial benefits on 38 rather than the current 35 years. Bad idea. Surprisingly, 8% is saved by phasing out benefits for people in the top 1% of income earners. I know the argument against this: if Social Security isn’t universal, it will become vulnerable. I don’t accept that. Social Security is safe because old people vote. Period. So I’ll go for that one, but I’m not wedded to it. The app also allows you to cut survivor benefits. Another bad idea.

Increase Revenue

Finally, we get to my favorite part: revenues. As you all should know by now, I’m a big proponent of raising the payroll tax cap. Right now, people only pay it on the first $114,000 of earnings. Raising it would produce a lot of revenue. Eliminating the cap altogether has two problems. First, there is the vulnerability problem. I don’t think it is real. Second, there is the tax avoidance problem: rich people would figure out ways to make all of their incomes capital gains or some other such scheme. That’s a real problem and so I think Social Security reform must be done in a larger context of tax reform. (By that I mean real tax reform and not a euphemism for “reducing taxes on the rich.”)

They offer three choices: eliminate the cap and increase benefits on high income earners; raise the cap to include 90% of all income (it is 84% now, which is lower than it used to be); or add a 3% surcharge on all income made above the current cap. All of these ideas are above the savings gotten from the other cuts and revenue increases: 77%, 32%, and 24%. I went with the full repeal of the cap.

All of these choices put me at, “Social Security remains insolvent. The trust fund will run out in 2061 at which point all beneficiaries will face a sudden 15% benefit cut.” I’m not finished, but I want to note that the trustees’ report normally assumes a very slow increase in economic growth. So even though I’ve only pushed the program out to 85% of benefits in 50 years, that’s probably enough. But I’ll go ahead and finish.

There are other ways to increase revenue. One is to force new state and local employees who are not in the program to start paying into and getting benefits out. I think that’s a good idea and it will save 9%. Currently, people pay their payroll taxes on income before 401(k) contributions, but they are paid on income after things like insurance. We could throw the insurance in with the 401(k). I don’t think that’s a great idea, but I’m willing to do it for a savings of 9%. Again: I’m not wedded to it. And we could fully tax Social Security income. I don’t want to do that.

Finally, we could invest in the stock market. That’s a bad idea. But note, if we did something like Bush’s “carve out” to allow people to invest part of their Social Security in the market, it would hurt the program’s finances.

My final score: “Social Security remains insolvent. The trust fund will run out in 2076 at which point all beneficiaries will face a sudden 16% benefit cut.” I’m fine with that. It doesn’t make sense to think about this stuff too far into the future; 63 years is good enough.

Social Security Reform

Afterword

I went back to the app to see what it said if I got rid of the 75 year shortfall. It reported, “Social Security will be solvent over the next 75 years, but 54% of the gap between spending and revenue remains in the 75th year, meaning the program is not yet sustainable.”

So even when you do what the program asks, the CRFB still wants to scare you. In order to be congratulated, you must reduce the 75 year shortfall by over 200%. Removing the payroll tax cap and reducing COLA to “CPI minus 1%” only gets you to 169%. So CRFB is only happy if you savage Social Security.


Image by Dorothea Lange (in the public domain).

ADHD Cured by a Good Night’s Sleep?

KidSleepingThere are many titles we see floating around about how we can “cure” ADHD. Just now I read a blog fromThe Daily Beast entitled “A Cure for ADHD?,” written by Ashley Merryman. It points out that this ADHD brain type and its related behaviors can be the result of a poor night’s sleep due to sleep apnea. The solution, according to this article, is a surgical procedure which would include a tonsillectomy and adenoidectomy. There was supposedly a study done about it and everything.

Instead of immediately discounting this theory (I will do that later), let’s assume it has some validity, that snoring leads to poor sleep quality, which leads to hyperactivity, which leads to a clinical diagnosis of ADHD. But before we start yanking parts out of our kids unnecessarily, why don’t we look at the things that cause snoring? An article on the Mayo Clinic website lists such things like “alcohol consumption, allergies, a cold, and…(excessive) weight,” among others as being the causes of snoring. The general idea is that snoring is the result of enlarged tonsils and/or sinus tissue.

Now let’s take these common causes, one-by-one, and dissect them, so-to-speak. The first one on the list, alcohol consumption, can be disregarded. We don’t let our children drink alcohol, do we? Colds are temporary. The other two options, allergies and excessive weight, are things over which we can have control. A child’s weight can be modified, and allergies can be alleviated through various methods. I plan to discuss allergies in another blog, soon, particularly food allergies.

Mostly, I feel that the idea that sleep dysfunction causes ADHD is false. If a child can simply get rid of the symptoms with a good night’s sleep, then they didn’t have ADHD in the first place. Here is a quote from an abstract in PubMed.gov: “Recent genetic and neuroimaging studies…provide evidence for separate contributions of altered dopamine (DA) and serotonin (5-HT) function in (ADHD).” Once again, here is information validating the link between genetics and the ADHD brain type, and that it can be the result of multiple causes.

If parents and pediatricians want to get together and discuss surgery to alleviate snoring, that is their option. On the other hand, if they think a tonsillectomy is going to cure ADHD, I’m not a believer. Any surgery that would “cure” an ADHD brain would be much more complicated and would actually involve a brain.

(Image courtesy of Feelart and FreeDigitalPhotos.net)

Carnot and Stapleton

Jean StapletonBefore starting, we have to do a death of note. Jean Stapleton died yesterday at the age of 90. She was very big in musical theater from the late 1950s. She was something there has traditionally been too few of: a female character actor. Most of the time, she played rather different kinds of characters. In You’ve Got Mail, she played kind of a ball buster—a straight talking and strong woman. But we will all remember her as Edith Bunker for nine years on All in the Family.

I was pretty young when the show was on—just seven when it started. But our family never missed it, at least for the first several years. At some point we transferred our love to The Jeffersons, probably because my father associated with George Jefferson in a way that was not healthy. But to me, All in the Family was a simulacrum of the life that was going on in and around the house that I was growing up in.

The heart of the show was Edith Bunker and Stapleton’s layered and surprisingly subtle performances. As a sensitive young person, I doubt I could have dealt with the show if it weren’t for Edith’s character. She is an archetype: the conciliator who keeps everyone grounded in what matters most, as the rest of us fly at each other over what are, at any given moment, academic matters. There is great strength in those who don’t need to be the smartest or the the loudest in the room. She really did make the show, even if Archie and Michael got all the attention.

Here is the opening song, which has some very clever lyrics. You can see what Norman Lear was going after with lines like, “Mister, we could use a man like Herbert Hoover again!”

On this day in 1801, Mormon leader Brigham Young was born. Russian classical composer Mikhail Glinka was born in 1804. I’m all for spiritual leaders, but really, their legacies are never as thrilling as this:

And speaking of music, the great arranger Nelson Riddle was born in 1921. In 1926 on this day, both Andy Griffith and Marilyn Monroe were born. I’ve never cared that much for Griffith, but he was quite good in A Face in the Crowd. Monroe, on the other hand, was a great comedic actor. Here she is in Some Like it Hot. “See what I mean? Not very bright!” She was brilliant:

The great bluegrass musician and songwriter and social activist Hazel Dickens was born in 1935. Here she is doing “Pretty Bird“:

And actor Cleavon Little was born in 1939.

Three actors have birthdays today. Morgan Freeman is 76. Brian Cox is 67. Jonathan Pryce is 66. And chess grandmaster Nigel Short is 48.

Sadi CarnotThe day, however, belongs to the father of thermodynamics Nicolas Leonard Sadi Carnot who was born in 1796. He is primarily known for two things. The first is the Carnot Cycle of an idealized heat engine. Using this, he was able to show that the maximum efficiency of an engine was only dependent upon the the two temperature reservoirs of the engine. That’s a remarkable conclusion that I don’t think most people realize today, even as they use many different heat engines.

The other thing he did was discover the second law of thermodynamics. When I was an undergraduate, my professor for statistical mechanics, Joe Tenn, used to say that the first law of thermodynamics said that the best you could do was get as much work out of a process as you put in. The second law said you couldn’t even do that. This is the law of entropy, although no one is really clear on exactly what entropy is. It is to some extent a measure of disorder in a system. The second law says that this disorder always increases. In other words: Humpty Dumpty does not get put back together.

Tragically, Carnot died of cholera at 36. His work was hardly noticed during his lifetime. But it was critically important to later scientists such as Rudolf Clausius and William Thomson (Lord Kelvin).

Happy birthday Sadi Carnot!

Wittgenstein’s One Armed Gambit

Paul WittgensteinPaul Wittgenstein was one of the many talented Wittgenstein children, the best known being his brother Ludwig. He was a concern pianist. According to Wittgenstein in 90 Minutes, he wasn’t even the best pianist in the family. That sounds to me like family mythos; perhaps he was not the best in his teens. Regardless, he made his public debut at 26 to good reviews.

That was in 1913. The following year, World War II began. He was drafted. And in combat, he was shot in the elbow requiring his right arm to be amputated. But even while still in a Russian prison camp in Siberia, he began making plans to continue his career. At first, he had his old teacher, Romantic composer Josef Labor create piano pieces for the left hand only. After the war, he began performing again. He got “polite” reviews. People admitted that as left-handed pianists went, he was great. But that was as far as it went.

So Wittgenstein started approaching other composers to write for his special limitations. These include some of the best composers of the 20th century. The best known of these is Ravel’s Piano Concerto for the Left Hand. It is kind of strange, because I’m not that fond it. Benjamin Britten’s Diversions for Piano Left Hand and Orchestra is a lot more compelling. So is Sergei Prokofiev’s Piano Concerto No. 4, which Wittgenstein never even performed. Even Richard Strauss wrote a special version of Sinfonia Domestica for him.

Paul Wittgenstein went on to have a very successful career. But he was still a Wittgenstein, by which I mean he seems to have been something of a jerk. In 1956, Siegfried Rapp wanted to premiere the Prokofiev concerto. Wittgenstein had had the piece for 25 years without performing it. But still he would not let Rapp perform it, writing to him:

I commissioned and paid for the works, the whole idea was mine… But those works to which I still have the exclusive performance rights are to remain mine as long as I still perform in public; that’s only right and fair. Once I am dead or no longer give concerts, then the works will be available to everyone because I have no wish for them to gather dust in libraries to the detriment of the composer.

That’s all very fine as the statement of a corporate CEO or a libertarian philosopher, but coming from an artist, it strikes me as pretty small minded. Similarly, the great composer Paul Hindemith wrote a piece for Wittgenstein in 1923. It was never performed and wasn’t even found until 2002, almost four decades after Hidemith had died.

Still I have great admiration for Paul Wittgenstein. He built a career despite what would have seemed to be an impossible disability. And the music world is richer for it. He was also quite a great and inventive player. If you want, you can hear him perform the Ravel concerto. But I think the performance of the great young pianist Helene Tysman is better:

Few Tax Expenditures for Poor

Mike KonczalMike Konczal is a very good economics writer who I regularly read. This morning, he was at Wonk Blog talking about, The Tax Break State. In it, he went over the main tax breaks that the federal government gives to individuals. For example, people don’t think of it as a tax break, but when a business gives health insurance to an employee, he is getting a tax break. Under normal circumstances, the worker would just get extra pay with which he would buy health insurance. That extra payment would have then been taxed. Thus, the exemption of taxes on this benefit is a tax break. And it’s big too: about one-third larger than the mortgage interest deduction.

There is one really import aspect of these programs: they are a form of welfare. There is no ultimate difference between allowing people not to pay taxes on their mortgage interest and giving people a check for purchasing a house. And this isn’t some liberal theory. This is exactly the argument made by conservative economist Milton Friedman. I think we need to remember this. There is such a stigma to programs like SNAP (food stamps), but none whatsoever to programs like the mortgage interest deduction. But they are both government handouts and the “respectable” one costs a whole lot more.

And that brings me to the problem I have with Konczal’s article. In order to show how the different kinds of tax expenditures (generally speaking, deductions) benefit different groups, he provided the following graph:

Tax Expenditures

For clarity, he presents the three types of expenditures as percentages. I’m afraid that this gives the impression that we are devoting far more money on the poor than to other income brackets. Here’s a graph from the Congressional Budget Office that shows the relative size of these categories (click to expand):

CBO Tax Expenditures

So the exclusions (50%) and deductions (30%) are by far the biggest share: 80%. The preferred tax rates are around 11%. And the tax credits are just 9%. But this understates the preferred tax rates. Capital gains are not taxed at death, so really the categories would be more appropriately: 75-16-9.

The take away from this is something I’ve been ranting about for years: welfare for the poor is cheap. All it seems we get in the mainstream is discussion of all the poor spending their whole lives in Paul Ryan’s hammock. And when it comes to tax expenditures, all of the conservative media are now and forever in a tizzy over the fact that 47% of Americans pay not federal income taxes. But on the expenditure side of this, we are doing very little for the poor and it would hurt us very little to do quite a lot more.

Afterword

Two quick things. First, Konczal’s overall point is the same as mine. Second, the reason that the poor get the expenditures they do is that there has been a trend away from direct payments like welfare checks to tax expenditures like the EITC and CTC.